Fleming,  Walter  L 


The  Reconstruction  of  the  Seceded  States 
1865-76 


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Aret  y o 'k  State  Education  Department 

State  Library  and  Homs  Education 


Subject  no. 
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THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  SECEDED 
STATES,  1865-76  * 


:y  vyalter  L.  Fleming  M.A.  Ph.D.  Professor  of  History  in  West  Virginia 
University  and  Late  Lecturer  in  History,  Columbia  University 

Gene";»l  references  at  the  beginning  of  each  chapter 
over  :he  >ubjects  treated  in  a general  way.  Under  each 
opic  cf  importance  more  specific  references  are  given.  In 
ach  li:  t the  references  are  arranged  in  two  groups,  A and  B. 
Chose  in  gioup  A are  suitable  for  university  extension  pur- 
oses,  ue  all  in  print  and  are  easily  secured  at  moderate  prices, 
.'hose  m group  B are  more  difficult  of  access  or  are  of  less 
alue  than  those  in  group  A.  The  second  group  contains 
Iso  variable  references  to  public  documents.  Each  state  has 
‘om  10  to]  to  libraries  containing  the  sets  of  public  docu- 
ments reier  ed  to.  Since  much  of  the  material  bearing  on 
:constru  '.t!on  is  difficult  of  access,  being  out  of  print  or  in 
:arce  periodicals  and  public  documents,  the  references  are 
ade  full  in  order  to  include  practically  all  the  material  on 
me  svbject,  some  of  which  every  library  will  possess.  The 
ut-of-print  books  referred  to  in  group  B may  be  ecured  at 
odeiaie  prices  at  old  bookshops  or  by  advertising  in  some 
bonk  trade  journal,  such  as  the  Publishers'  Weekly.  This  can 
be  done  vn  tout  charge  through  any  bookseller.  Besides  the 
periodicals  referred  to  Poole's  Index  may  be  consulted  fqf 
vdditioral  references.  The  final  bibliography  with  prices  is 
af  ly  complete.  In  the  appendix  will  be  found  original 
tateria  sheeted  to  illustrate  the  most  important  phases  of 
he  period. 


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HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


Chapter  i 

THE  AFTERMATH  OF  WAR 

References 

A 

Clayton.  White  and  Black  under  the  Old  Regime,  ch.  7. 
Fleming.  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction  in  Alabama,  pt  3. 
Garner.  Reconstruction  in  Mississippi,  ch.  4. 

LeConte.  Autobiography,  ch.  7- 9. 

Lee.  True  History  of  the  Civil  War,  ch.  14,  15. 

Smedes.  Southern  Planter,  ch.  18-21. 

B 

Andrews.  The  South  Since  the  War. 

Carr.  Missouri,  ch.  16,  17. 

Hague.  A Blockaded  Family. 

Hart.  Source-Book  of  American  History,  no.  127. 

Kennaway.  On  Sherman’s  Track. 

Lee.  Recollections  and  Letters  of  General  Lee,  ch.  8,  9. 
Montgomery.  Reminiscences  of  a Mississippian. 

Our  Women  in  War. 

Reid.  After  the  War. 

Report  of  Gen.  U.  S.  Grant  (in  Sen.  Ex.  Doc^  ro.  2,  39th 
Cong.,  1st  Sess.). 

Report  of  Gen.  Carl  Schurz  (in  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  no.  2,  39th 
Cong.,  1st  Sess.). 

Report  of  B.  C.  Truman  (in  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  no.  43,  3Qfh 
Cong.,  1st  Sess.). 

Report  of  the  Joint  Committee  on  Reconstruction,  See 
index  to  “Testimony.” 

Shaler.  Kentucky,  ch.  19,  20. 

Taylor.  Destruction  and  Reconstruction,  p.  236-38. 
Trowbridge.  The  South. 

# 

Loss  of  life  and  health  in  the  war 

A Livermore.  Numbers  and  Losses. 

Confederate  Military  History,  v.  10  (statistical  tables). 
B Davis.  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Confederate  Government, 
2 :6o7. 

i Number  enrolled,  killed  and  wounded.  Health 
injured. 


1 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76 


3 


2 Chara:ter  of  men  killed  or  injured,  or  later  dis- 

franchised for  part  taken  in  war. 

3 Character  of  those  uninjured  by  war,  who  did  not 

actively  participate.  These  to  be  basis  of  recon- 
struction. 

4 Effect  on  social  and  political  conditions. 

Destruction  of  property 

A Fleming.  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction  in  Alabama, 
ch.  5,  § 2. 

Garner.  Reconstruction  in  Mississippi,  p.  122-46. 
Hollis.  Early  Period  of  Reconstruction  in  South 
Carolina,  p.  10-13,  18-27. 

LeConte.  Autobiography,  ch.  7,  8. 

B Andrews.  South  Since  the  War,  ch.  1,  4. 

Wise.  Life  of  Henry  A.  Wise,  ch.  21. 

1 Real  estate  of  no  value.  Most  personal  property 

destroyed. 

2 Cotton  and  other  crops  burned  or  confiscated. 

3 Emancipation  of  slaves.  Loss  of  capital,  $2,- 

000,000,000. 

4 Collapse  of  banks.  All  banking  and  other  property 

had  disappeared. 

5 No  coin  money.  All  had  disappeared  during  war. 

Confederate  and  state  currency  worthless. 
People  lost  sense  of  values. 

6 Trade  or  exchange  could  not  take  place  for  want  of 

United  States  money.  Everything  at  a standstill 
during  1865. 

7 Bridges  had  been  destroyed.  Roads  almost  im- 

passable. 

8 Public  property,  courthouses,  poorhouses,  asylums, 

and  other  public  buildings,  destroyed  or  confis- 
cated. 

9 No  steamers  or  other  craft  on  rivers.  Only  one  rail- 

road in  working  order.  Tracks  torn  up  and  roll- 
ing stock  worn  out  or  destroyed.  Railroad  com- 
panies bankrupt. 

10  Losses  by  northern  creditors. 


LT, 


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HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


Destitution  and  want  among  white  and  black 

A Avary.  Virginia  Girl  in  the  Civil  War,  ch.  26,  27. 
Fleming.  Alabama,  ch.  5,  § 5. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  ch.  4. 

Hollis.  Early  Period  of  Reconstruction  in  South 
Carolina,  ch.  7. 

LeContc.  Autobiography,  ch.  7,  8. 

Pryor.  Reminiscences  of  Peace  and  War,  p.  372-402. 

B Reports  of  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau.  See  index  to  U.  S. 
public  documents. 

1 Suffering  in  white  counties  as  early  as  1861. 

2 Supplies  sufficient  in  black  belt  till  1865. 

3 Good  food  crops  during  war ; bad  crops  in  1865  and 

1866. 

4 Relief  by  states  1861-65,  principally  to  white  coun- 
ties. 

Refugees:  whites  and  negroes,  1862-65. 

Loss  of  life  in  war  fell  more  heavily  on  white  coun- 
ties, where  people  were  also  poor. 

7 Conditions  in  summer  of  1865 : whites  of  white 

counties  destitute;  whites  of  black  belt  had  some 
supplies ; suffering  great  among  blacks  congre- 
gated in  towns  but  not  among  those  on  planta- 
tions. 

8 Relief  work  in  1865-66,  by  private  benevolence,  by 

state  and  county  authorities,  and  by  Freedmen’s 
Bureau. 

The  negro  testing  his  freedom 

A Fleming.  Alabama,  ch.  5,  § 4. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  p.  35-37. 

Smedes.  Southern  Planter,  ch.  ig,  20. 

Washington.  Up  From  Slavery,  p.  23,  24,  135. 

B Andrews.  South  Since  the  War,  ch.  3. 

Rhodes.  History  of  the  United  States,  5:556. 

I Thousands  follow  the  invading  armies,  though  most 
of  them  remain  faithful.  Much  suffering  among 
those  who  follow  the  Federal  armies.  Many  of 
them  enlist  in  the  army. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  5 


2 Somewhat  later  the  race  generally  begins  to  prove 

its  freedom. 

3 Does  not  feel  free  without  changing  home,  quitting 

work,  changing  name  and  perhaps  getting  a new 
wife  and  joining  another  church. 

4 Churchgoing,  camp  meetings,  and  baptizings  were 

the  order  of  the  day  during  summer  and  fall  of 
1865. 

5 Precarious  living : work  one  or  two  days  a week, 

live  on  berries,  green  corn,  vegetables  etc.  taken 
from  fields. 

6 Crowding  in  towns.  Unsanitary  conditions.  Many 

live  out  of  doors.  Much  suffering  and  many 
deaths. 

7 Estimated  that  in  1865-66  the  blacks  lost  as  many 

by  death  as  the  southern  whites  lost  in  war. 

8 Industry  paralyzed  in  black  belt.  ' 

Troubles  in  the  churches 

A Fleming.  Alabama,  ch.  7. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  p.  35-37. 

Gulr  States  Historical  Magazine,  Sep.  1902,  article  by 
Fleming. 

Perry.  History  of  the  American  Episcopal  Church,  p.  328. 
Rhodes.  History  of  the  United  States,  5:179. 

Wilmer.  Recent  Past,  p.  146. 

B American  Church  History  Series.  See  index  to  each 
volume. 

Carroll.  Religious  Forces.  See  each  denomination. 
Census  of  1890.  Statistics  of  Churches. 

Davis.  Rise  and  Fall,  v.  2,  ch.  57. 

KuKlux  Report.  See  index  to  “ Testimony.” 

McPherson.  Rebellion,  p.  461-548. 

Methodist  Quarterly,  26:418. 

Nicolay  & Hay.  Abraham  Lincoln.  See  index  under 
“ Churches.” 

Complete  Works  of  Lincoln.  See  index  under 

“ Churches.” 

Richardson.  Lights  and  Shadows  of  Itinerant  Life, 
p.  183. 

Whitaker.  The  Church  in  Alabama,  p.  177. 


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HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


1 Division  of  churches  before  war  into  northern  and 

southern  branches. 

2 During-  war  where  Union  troops  were  in  control 

southern  churches  were  given  to  northern 
branches. 

3 Federal  army  and  the  churches. 

4 “ Loyal  ” services  required  in  southern  churches ; 

prayer  for  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
minister  must  take  “ ironclad  ” oath,  etc. 

5 Policy  of  northern  churches  in  1865  announced: 

“ to  disintegrate  and  absorb  ” southern  churches. 

6 Reorganization  of  southern  churches. 

7 Northern  aid  societies,  missionaries  and  teachers. 

8 Negroes  separated  from  southern  churches.  Or- 

ganized into  churches  of  blacks,  or  in  connection 
with  northern  churches. 

9 Disputes  about  church  property  specially  in  border 

states. 

10  Effect  of  church  troubles  on  popular  feeling. 

Confiscation  frauds 

A Fleming.  Alabama,  cli.  6. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  p.  127-29. 

Ku  Klux  Report,  p.  440-47. 

LeConte.  Autobiography,  ch.  9. 

Rhodes.  History  of  the  United  State?,  5:85-107,  274, 
411. 

McCulloch.  Men  and  Measures  of  Half  a Century, 
P-  234. 

MacDonald.  Select  Statutes,  no.  11,  24. 

McPherson.  Rebellion,  p.  195-233. 

Our  Women  in  War. 

1 Confiscation'  acts  of  Congress. 

2 Property  subject  to  confiscation:  Confederate; 

state  or  private  property  used  in  aid  of  Confeder- 
acy; property  of  those  who  aided  Confederacy, 
unless  pardoned. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  7 

3 Trade  regulations  during  war  aim  to  confiscate 

southern  produce. 

4 Treasury  agents  sent  south  in  1864-65  to  collect 

confiscated  property. 

5 Bad  character  of  most  of  the  treasury  agents. 

6 What  was  regarded  as  Confederate  property. 

7 Confiscation  by  army  and  Freedmen's  Bureau. 

8 Movables,  specially  cotton,  generally  confiscated ; 

real  estate  soon  restored  by  pardon  by  the  Presi- 
dent. 

9 Back  taxes  and  debts  due  Confederacy  collected  by 

United  States  authorities. 

10  Many  pretended  treasury  agents  confiscated  quan- 

tities of  cotton.  “Cotton  spies.” 

11  Private  property  in  cotton  not  recognized.  Senti- 

ment against  cotton. 

12  United  States  government  received  only  a small 

portion  of  property  seized. 

13  Frauds  by  natives  and  agents.  Cases  brought  to 

trial. 

14  Effect  of  confiscation  frauds  in  irritating  people. 

15  United  States  has  restored  nearly  all  the  proceeds 

of  confiscated  property.  Present  status  of 
southern  claims. 

Cotton  tax 

A Fleming.  Alabama,  ch.  6. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  p.  131-3,3. 

B Saunders.  Early  Settlers  of  Alabama. 

1 Tax:  y2  cent  a pound  in  1862,  2 cents  in  1863,  2^2 

cents  in  1865,  3 cents  in  1866,  2]/2  in  1867 : abolished 
in  1868. 

2 Considered  an  unfair  tax.  Arguments  for  and 

against. 

3 Amount  collected  in  Southern  States. 

4 Supreme  Court  divided  on  question  of  this  tax. 

5 Cotton  tax  certificates  still  preserved. 


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HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


6  Recent  resolutions  have  been  introduced  in  Con- 
gress looking  toward  refunding  the  amount  of 
this  tax. 

Military  occupation 

A Clay.  A Belle  of  the  Fifties,  ch.  22. 

Clayton.  White  and  Black  under  the  Old  Regime, 
p.  144-49- 

Fleming.  Military  Government,  ( see  American  Historical 
Magazine,  April  and  July  1903) 

Garner.  Mississippi,  p.  29-38. 

Hollis.  Reconstruction  in  South  Carolina,  p.  45,  46. 
Pryor.  Reminiscences  of  Peace  and  War,  ch.  25. 

B Davis.  Rise  and  Fall,  v.  2,  ch.  56,  57. 

Ku  Klux  Report,  p.  446-47. 

Reports  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  1865,  1866. 

Wilson.  Federal  Aid  in  Domestic  Disturbances,  ch.  5- 

1 No  civil  government  in  South  after  surrender  of 

Confederate  armies. 

2 Armies  of  occupation  remain  but  a short  time. 

Most  of  the  troops  soon  mustered  out. 

3 Condition  during  early  period  of  occupation. 

4 Garrisons  scattered  about  over  South.  Numbers 

and  characters  of  troops.  Foraging  for  subsist- 
ence. 

5 Best  troops  soon  discharged  leaving  inferior 

soldiers  for  garrison  duty. 

6 No  government  from  April  to  September  1865,  ex- 

cept in  vicinity  of  military  posts. 

7 Policies  of  post  commanders  vary  greatly. 

8 Problems  of  military  government. 

9 Relations  between  soldiers  and  people,  white  and 

black. 

Temper  of  popular  feeling 

A Clayton.  White  and  Black,  ch  1. 

DeLeon.  John  Holden,  Unionist. 

Fleming.  Alabama,  ch.  7. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  p.  61-63. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76 


9 


Hart.  Contemporaries,  v.  4,  nos.  141,  149. 

Source-Book  of  American  History,  nos.  127,  129. 

Hollis.  Reconstruction  in  South  Carolina,  ch.  1. 

LeConte.  Autobiography,  ch.  9. 

Lee.  Recollections  and  Letters  of  Lee,  ch.  8,  9,  12. 

McPherson.  History  of  Reconstruction,  p.  67,  81-101. 

Rhodes.  History  of  the  United  States,  5:151-560. 

B Andrews.  The  South  Since  the  War. 

Avary.  Virginia  Girl  in  the  Civil  War,  ch.  27. 

Clay.  A Belle  of  the  Fifties,  ch.  21,  22. 

Dixon.  The  Clansman. 

Our  Women  in  War. 

Pryor.  Reminiscences  of  Peace  and  War,  ch.  25,  26. 

Reid.  After  the  War. 

Reports  of  Grant,  Schurz  and  Truman,  referred  to 
above. 

Report  of  the  Joint  Committee  on  Reconstruction.  See 
specially  the  testimony  of  Gen.  Robert  E.  Lee  and 
Gen.  Wager  Swayne. 

Smedes.  Southern  Planter,  ch.  19,  20. 

Taylor.  Destruction  and  Reconstruction,  p.  236-38. 

Tourgee.  Fool’s  Errand. 

Trowbridge.  The  South. 

In  the  South: 

Soldiers,  politicians,  “ loyal  ” men,  “ bomb- 
proofs  " : women  and  ministers ; slaveholders  and 
nonslaveholders ; cross  currents  of  opinion  and 
feeling'. 

Feeling  of  relief  from  responsibility  by  abolition 
of  slavery. 

Hopeless  feeling  of  many  at  first.  Reaction  in 
August  and  September. 

Causes  of  growing  irritation  : negro  soldiers,  dis- 
orderly white  soldiers ; social  ostracism  of  north- 
erners ; women  forced  to  walk  under  flags  over  side- 
walks, or  to  take  test  oaths ; frequent  oath-taking ; 


IQ 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


jeering  at  women  at  work;  tactless  teachers  and 
missionaries  from  the  North;  negrophiles;  church 
question ; Confederate  uniform,  buttons,  colors  and 
songs  forbidden. 

2  In  the  North  : 

Difficult  to  ascertain  popular  feeling  toward 
South.  People  flushed  with  success  think  war 
ended  all  controversy. 

Some  bitter,  some  indifferent,  many  forgiving 
and  many  distrustful  of  the  South. 

Probably  a general  desire  to  punish  the  South  for 
the  war.  This  desire  grows  weaker  for  a time. 

Politicians  more  radical  and  more  bitter  than  the 
people. 

Negro  suffrage  demanded  by  a few. 

Correspondents  in  South  excite  northern  senti- 
ment against  southern  people. 

Topics  for  papers 

1 Conditions  in  South  after  the  war : social,  political, 

economic  and  religious. 

2 Operation  of  confiscation  laws. 

3 Report  of  General  Grant  on  conditions  in  South. 

4 Behavior  of  the  newly  freed  blacks. 

5 Incidents  of  destitution. 

6 Problems  before  the  southern  churches. 

7 Cotton  tax. 

8 Testimony  of  General  Lee  in  report  of  the  joint 

committee  on  reconstruction;  also  testimony  of 

Gen.  Wager  S wayne. 

[On  these  topics  see  also  the  material  in  the  appendix] 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  II 


Chapter  2 

PROBLEMS  OF  RECONSTRUCTION 

References 

A 

Burgess.  Reconstruction  and  the  Constitution,  pref.  and 
ch.  1. 

Cambridge  Modern  History,  7:622- 24. 

DeWitt.  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Johnson,  § 1. 

Dunning.  Essays  on  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction,  p.  13, 
63,  101. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  ch.  2,  3,  4. 

Herbert.  Article  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  Feb.  1901. 

Wilson.  Article  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  Jan.  1901. 

History  of  the  American  People,  v.  5,  ch.  1. 

B 

Pollard.  Lost  Cause,  ch.  44. 

Richardson.  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents,  10:562. 
Report  of  Joint  Committee  on  Reconstruction.  See  majority 
report  and  views  of  minority. 

United  States  Constitution,  on  “confiscation,”  “treason,’’ 
“ rights  of  states,”  etc. 

Status  of  seceded  states 

1 What  was  a “ state  ” of  the  Union  ? 

2 What  rights  did  a state  possess? 

3 Was  a state  indestructible? 

4 Did  the  war  have  any  effect  on  the  rights  of 

Southern  States? 

5 Status  of  the  state  during  the  war. 

6 What  was  a “ republican  form  of  government  ” ? 

7 By  whom  were  questions  to  be  decided,  the  Presi- 

dent, Congress,  or  Supreme  Court? 

8 Reviving  belief  in  state’s  rights  in  North. 

9 Southerners  hope  for  a technical  constitutional 

settlement. 


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HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


Status  of  former  citizens  in  South 

1 Conquered  foreigners  or  conquered  rebels? 

2 What  rights  had  they  by  international  law  or  by 

United  States  Constitution? 

3 What  rights  had  southern  “ Unionists  ”? 

4 Constitution  and  laws  on  “ treason,”  “ attainder,” 

“ confiscation,”  “ trial  in  open  court.” 

5 Treason  against  state  and  against  United  States. 

6 Who  or  what  had  seceded  and  carried  on  war,  the 

people  or  the  states,  officials  or  citizens? 

7 State  citizenship  and  United  States  citizenship. 

8 Who  were  the  people  of  a state? 

9 Whom  and  how  to  punish? 

to  Effect  of  pardon  or  amnesty  by  President.  Did 
pardon  restore  both  civil  and  political  rights? 

Slavery  and  the  negro  problem 

1 Difference  between  practical  conditions  and  theo- 

retic situation. 

2 All  recognize  slavery  as  dead,  hut  how  to  express 

that  fact  in  public  law? 

3 Legal  effect  of  Emancipation  Proclamation  and 

acts  of  Congress  relating  to  slavery. 

4 Slavery  in  Union  slave  states. 

5 Status  of  negro.  Was  he  citizen  or  ward?  Did 

he  have  all  civil  rights?  If  a citizen,  should  he 
have  political  rights?  What  was  his  place  in 
society? 

6 Northern  distrust  of  former  masters;  theory  that 

southern  whites  and  blades  were  natural  enemies. 

7 Were  the  states  or  the  central  government  to  fix 

the  position  of  the  negro  and  define  his  rights? 

8 How  to  prevent  a possible  reestablishment  of 

slavery. 

9 How  to  legislate  in  favor  of  the  negro  and  not  in- 

vade the  rights  of  states . 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  1 3 


Interpretation  of  the  Constitution 

1 Were  former  theories  and  decisions  binding? 

2 Effect  of  war  on  Constitution  and  constitutional 

theories. 

3 Nature  of  the  Union:  confederation,  federal  gov- 

ernment. nation. 

4 Were  the  same  rules  of  constitutional  interpreta- 

tion to  hold  after  as  before  the  war? 

5 Was  “ the  union  as  it  was  ” to  be  restored,  or  was 

it  to  be  fundamentally  changed? 

Topics  for  papers 

1 What  do  you  understand  were  the  problems  to  be 

solved  in  reconstruction? 

2 Read  the  United  States  Constitution  on  “ treason,” 

“ attainder,”  “ corruption  of  blood,”  “ trial  in 
open  court,”  “ rights  of  states,”  “ forfeiture.” 

Chapter  j 

POLITICAL  PARTIES,  1864-66 

References 

A 

Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  20,  98-104. 

Cambridge.  Modern  History,  7:624. 

Johnston.  History  of  American  Politics. 

Rhodes.  History  of  the  United  States,  v.  5,  ch.  30. 

B 

Cooper.  American  Politics,  bk  2,  p.  44-46. 

McPherson.  Rebellion,  p.  403-17,  and  appendix. 

Reconstruction. 

“Union”  party:  Republicans  and  War  Democrats 

1 Moderate  and  radical  Republicans. 

2 War  Democrats  returning  to  Democratic  party. 

3 Not  agreed  on  policy  of  reconstruction. 


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4 Not  united  on  negro  question. 

5 Opposed  to  presidential  government. 

6 Political  creeds  of  Lincoln  and  Johnson. 

7 Leaders : Stevens,  Sumner,  Chase. 

Democratic  party 

1 Course  of  opposition  during  war. 

2 Now  somewhat  discredited;  “copperhead”  ele- 

ment. 

3 Want  immediate  “ restoration,”  not  “ reconstruc- 

tion.” 

4 Will  evidently  support  President. 

5 War  Democrats  returning  in  1865-66. 

6 Leaders:  Blair,  Reverdy  Johnson,  Seymour. 

Topics  for  papers 

1 Political  career  of  Salmon  P.  Chase. 

2 Andrew  Johnson,  1860-65. 

3 National  party  platforms  of  1864. 

4 Copperhead  Democrats. 


Chapter  4 * 

PLANS  AND  THEORIES  OF  RECONSTRUCTION 

References 

A 

Burgess.  Reconstruction,  ch.  1-7. 

Cambridge.  Modern  History,  7:625. 

Chadsey.  President  Johnson  and  Congress. 

DeWitt.  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Johnson. 

Dunning.  Essays  on  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction,  p.  99-113. 
Fleming.  Alabama,  ch.  8,  § 1. 

Hart.  Contemporaries,  v.  4,  nos.  114-46,  148,  149. 

Salmon  P.  Chase,  ch.  13,  14. 

Herbert.  Solid  South,  ch.  1. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  1 5 


B 

American  Law,  1 :23s. 

Congressional  Globe,  1861-67.  See  index  under  “Recon- 
struction,” “Sumner,”  “Stevens,”  “Sherman,”  “Reverdy  John- 
son,” “Davis,”  “Wade”  etc. 

Curtis.  Constitutional  History,  v.  2,  ch.  11. 

McCarthy.  Lincoln’s  Plan  of  Reconstruction. 

Report  of  Joint  Committee  on  Reconstruction. 

Scott.  Reconstruction  during  the  War. 

Taylor.  Destruction  and  Reconstruction. 

Democratic  theory:  congressional  theory  of  1861 

A Chadsey.  Johnson  and  Congress,  index. 

Dunning.  Essays,  p.  104. 

B Congressional  Globe,  July  22  and  25,  1861. 

1 Crittenden  and  Johnson  resolutions,  1861  : war 

waged  to  maintain  Constitution  and  rights  of 
states  unimpaired.  When  these  objects  accom- 
plished war  should  cease. 

2 States  indestructible ; states  rights  survive. 

3 Submit  to  United  States  government  and  thus  re- 

store Union. 

Southern  theory:  Sherman- Johnston  convention 

A Dunning.  Essays  on  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction, 
p.  101-3. 

Hart.  Salmon  P.  Chase. 

Rhodes.  History  of  United  States,  5:52,  132,  133,  ,161-78. 
Sherman.  Memoirs,  2 :349-67. 

B McPKfc'rson.  Reconstruction,  p.  121,  504,  505. 

Pollard.  Lost  Cause,  p.  715. 

Stephens.  Comprehensive  History  of  the  United 
States,  p.  831-35. 

1 Insurrection  by  individuals  not  by  states. 

2 Individuals  not  states  must  suffer. 

3 State  officials  must  take  oath  of  allegiance  to 

United  States. 


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4 Legislatures  to  be  convoked  to  arrange  for  repre- 

sentation in  Congress. 

5 Reestablish  federal  courts  in  Southern  States. 

6 Then  the  “ Union  as  it  was  ” would  be  restored. 

7 On  this  theory,  the  Sherman -Johnston  convention. 

Southern  state  governors  call  state  Legislatures. 
This  movement  checked  by  President. 

Presidential  plans  and  theories 

A Burgess.  Reconstruction,  ch.  2,  3. 

Chadsey.  President  Johnson  and  Congress.  See  index 
under  “Johnson,”  “Lincoln.” 

DeWitt.  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Johnson,  p.  6-11. 
Dunning.  Essays  on  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction, 
P-  103-5. 

Hart.  Contemporaries,  v.  4,  no.  145. 

Rhodes.  History  of  the  United  States,  5 :52,  132,  133 
and  ch.  30. 

Morse.  Lincoln,  v.  2,  ch.  8. 

Nicolay  & Hay.  Abraham  Lincoln.  See  index  under 
“Reconstruction”  etc. 

B McCarthy.  Lincoln’s  Plans  of  Reconstruction. 

McCulloch.  Men  and  Measures  of  Half  a Century, 
P-  3 78. 

Scott.  Reconstruction  during  the  War. 

* 

1 State  indestructible;  states  rights  survive. 

2 Confederate  state  governments  and  officials  not 

recognized. 

3 Functions  of  states  suspended. 

4 President’s  pardon  to  restore  right  of  government 

to  the  people,  who  then  might  erect  state  govern- 
ments. 

5 Then  Congress  ought  to  admit  representatives  from 

these  states. 

6 Johnson  more  theoretic  than  Lincoln.  The  latter 

had  no  fixed  theory,  but  believed  in  the  duty  of 
the  executive  to  put  the  Southern  States  in  their 
correct  relations  to  the  Union. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  1 7 


State  suicide  theory 

A Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  60,  61. 

Chadsey.  President  Johnson  and  Congress.  See  index 
under  “ Sumner.” 

Dunning.  Essays  on  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction, 
p.  105-7. 

Hart.  Contemporaries,  v.  4,  no.  146. 

Story.  Charles  Sumner. 

B Congressional  Globe,  1861-67.  See  index  under  “ Sum- 
ner.” 

McPherson.  Rebellion,  p.  322. 

Scott.  Reconstruction  during  the  War. 

Summer.  Article  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  Oct.  1863. 

1 Originated  in  1862  by  Charles  Sumner. 

No  states  existed  in  South. 

Had  destroyed  themselves  and  local  institutions 
no  longer  legally  existed. 

Therefore  slavery,  a local  institution,  had  ceased 
to  exist. 

2 People  had  no  political  rights. 

Congress  had  power  to  govern  them  indefinitely 
by  military,  subject  only  to  limitations  of  the 
bill  of  rights  of  the  Constitution  and  to  prin- 
ciples of  Declaration  of  Independence. 

3 Congress  might  organize  new  states  without  re- 

gard to  former  names  and  boundaries. 

Should  impose  conditions  when  new  states  were 
admitted ; public  school  system  with  no  dis- 
tinction between  races  ; universal  manhood  suf- 
frage ; equality,  social  and  political,  to  be 
established. 

Conquered  province  theory 

A Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  5,  8. 

Dunning.  Essays  on  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction, 
p.  107-Q. 

Hart.  Source-Book,  no.  130. 

McCall.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  ch.  13-16. 


2 


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B Congressional  Globe,  1867.  See  index  under  " Stevens.” 

DeWitt.  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Johnson.  See  index 
under  “ Stevens.” 

Grosvener.  Article  in  New  England  Magazine,  24:111. 

1 This  theory  announced  by  Thaddeus  Stevens,  1861. 

Former  Southern  States  were  now  conquered 
provinces,  not  even  United  States  territories. 

People  had  no  rigdits  under  the  United  States 
Constitution  ; were  conquered  foreigners. 

Secession  had  been  so  far  successful  as  to  break 
bonds  between  South  and  North. 

2 Congress  was  not  fettered  by  Constitution  in  deal- 

ing with  people.  Might  be  guided  if  it  chose 
by  principles  of  international  law. 

By  confiscation  and  deportation  Congress  should 
insure  the  proper  kind  of  population  in  former 
Southern  States. 

Forfeited  rights  theory 

A Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  5,  9-61. 

Dunning.  Essays  on  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction, 
p.  109-21. 

Hart.  Contemporaries,  v.  4,  no.  149. 

B Report  of  Joint  Committee  on  Reconstruction.  See 
majority  report. 

1 Invented  by  Shellabarger  of  Ohio. 

Not  greatly  different  from  suicide  theory. 

State  governments  destroyed. 

Secession  not  possible ; states  had  simply  for- 
feited all  rights  and  the  territorial  condition 
was  resumed. 

2 The  territory  was  now  simply  United  States  ter- 

ritory from  which  Congress  could  make  states 
at  will  by  cooperating  with  the  “ loyalists  ” of 
such  territory. 

Congress  the  final  authority  in  reconstruction. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  1 9 


Topics  for  papers 

1 An  abstract  of  the  Report  of  the  Joint  Committee  071 

Reconstruction. 

2 Thaddeus  Stevens  during  reconstruction. 

3 Charles  Sumner  during  reconstruction. 

4 Lincoln’s  views  of  negro  suffrage. 

5 Sherman’s  convention  with  Johnston. 

Chapter  5 

“RESTORATION”  BY  THE  PRESIDENT 

References 

A 

Burgess.  Reconstruction,  ch.  2,  3. 

Cambridge.  Modern  History,  7:625. 

DeWitt.  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Johnson. 

Dunning.  Essays  on  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction,  p.  78,  79. 
McCarthy.  Lincoln’s  Plan  of  Reconstruction. 

Rhodes.  History  of  the  United  States,  v.  4 and  5,  under 
“ Reconstruction.” 

B 

McPherson.  Rebellion,  p.  317-32. 

Reconstruction,  p.  1-28. 

Richardson.  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents,  v.  6 
and  7 (Lincoln’s  and  Johnson’s  messages). 

Scott.  Reconstruction  during  the  War. 

Lincoln’s  plans  and  acts 

A Burgess.  Reconstruction,  ch.  2. 

DeWitt.  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Johnson,  p.  1,  2. 
MacDonald.  Select  Statutes,  nos.  35,  42. 

Morse.  Abraham  Lincoln,  v.  2,  ch.  8. 

B Nicolay  & Hay.  Abraham  Lincoln.  See  index  under 
“Reconstruction,”  “Louisiana,”  “Tennessee,”  “Arkan- 
sas,” “ Virginia.” 

Complete  works  of  Lincoln.  See  index  under  “ Recon- 
struction ” etc. 

Richardson.  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents, 
6:5,  2T3,  215,  222,  226. 


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1 Policy  outlined  in  first  inaugural  message. 

2 The  case  of  Virginia  and  West  Virginia. 

3 Amnesty  proclamation,  Dec.  8,  1863. 

Based  on  President’s  pardoning  power. 

Pardon  by  President  to  create  new  citizenship. 
He  would  recognize  a state  in  which  10%  of  the 
voters  of  i860  would  take  oath  of  allegiance. 
Kind  of  oath  to  be  taken. 

Laws  and  proclamations  concerning  slavery. 
Initiative  to  come  from  the  people. 

Nothing  said  of  negro  suffrage. 

4 This  plan  applied  in  Louisiana,  Tennessee  and 

Arkansas. 

5 Lincoln  opposed  to  reconstruction  by  northern  men. 

6 Pocket  veto  of  Wade-Davis  bill,  July  1864. 

It  would  set  aside  governments  already  estab- 
lished in  Louisiana  and  Arkansas. 

He  did  not  believe  Congress  could  abolish  slavery 
in  the  states. 

7 Proclamation  of  July  8,  1864. 

Reasons  for  veto  of  Wade-Davis  bill. 

Willing  to  have  the  people  of  a state  establish  a 
government  on  the  Wade-Davis,  plan,  if  they 
preferred  it. 

Would  commit  himself  inflexibly  to  no  one  plan 
of  restoration. 

8 Lincoln’s  view's  on  negro  suffrage. 

Advised  a limited  negro  suffrage. 

Believed  states  should  control  suffrage. 
Johnson’s  attempt  at  “ restoration  ” 

A Burgess.  Reconstruction,  ch.  3. 

Chadsey.  President  Johnson  and  Congress. 

DeWitt.  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Johnson. 

Fleming.  Alabama,  pt  4. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  ch.  3. 

Hart.  Contemporaries,  v.  4,  no.  148. 

Hollis.  • Reconstruction  in  South  Carolina,  ch.  2. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  21 

Lothrop.  William  H.  Seward,  ch.  21. 

MacDonald.  Select  Statutes,  no.  46-49,  52. 

McCulloch.  Men  and  Measures  of  Half  a Century, 
P-  378. 

Rhodes.  History  of  the  United  States,  v.  5,  ch.  30. 
See  index  under  “Johnson”  and  “ Stanton.” 

B Andrews.  The  South  Since  the  War. 

Blaine.  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,  2:88. 

Cox.  Three  Decades  of  Federal  Legislation. 
Fortnightly  Review,  4:477;  5:98. 

Gorham.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  2 -.224-312. 

McPherson.  Reconstruction,  p.  1-28. 

New  England  Magazine,  23:711. 

North  American  Review,  102  :25o;i45  :69. 

Richardson.  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents, 
6:310-25. 

Savage.  Life  of  Johnson. 

Sheridan.  Personal  Memoirs,  v.  2,  ch.  10. 

Sherman.  Recollections,  v.  1,  ch.  16. 

1 Johnson’s  record  before  he  became  president. 

2 His  radical  views  on  reconstruction  in  spring  and 

summer  of  1865.  Influence  of  Seward  and  the 
“ President  tamers.” 

3 Lincoln’s  plan  adopted  by  Johnson. 

4 Amnesty  proclamation,  May  29,  1865. 

14  excepted  classes.  Why  excepted. 

Meant  to  shut  out  all  leading  men. 

Oath  prescribed.  Compare  with  oath  of  Dec.  8, 
1863. 

5 Provisional  civil  governments  erected. 

By  war  powers  of  President. 

Federal  administration  reestablished. 

6 Constitutional  conventions  held  in  Southern  States. 

New  constitutions  adopted. 

Conventions  accept  conditions  imposed  by  Presi- 
dent. 


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Slavery  abolished  by  conventions. 

War  debt  repudiated. 

New  state  governments  erected. 

7 Johnson,  unlike  Lincoln,  does  not  wait  for  people  to 

take  initiative:  forces  restoration. 

8 Second  stage  of  provisional  government. 

Legislatures  elected  and  meet. 

State  and  county  officials  elected. 

Senators  and  congressmen  elected. 

9.  Legislatures  adopted  13th  amendment. 

This  required  by  Johnson. 

10  Then  officials  appointed  by  President  give  way  to 

those  elected  by  people. 

11  Presidential  reconstruction  or  “ restoration  ” now  com- 

plete if  Congress  will  accept  it. 

Southern  members  of  Congress  apply  for  ad- 
mission. 

State  governments  in  running  order. 

12  Character  and  work  of  provisional  government. 

Effect  of  proclamation  of  May  29,  1865,  on  per- 
sonnel of  governments. 

Constant  interference  of  President. 

Effect  of  this  interference. 

13  Military  government  during  provisional  regime. 


Topics  for  papers 

1 Opposition  by  Congress  to  Lincoln’s  plan  of  recon- 

struction ; Wrade-Davis  bill. 

2 Were  the  Southern  States  in  or  out  of  the  Union? 

3 Was  slavery  destroyed  by  the  Emancipation  Procla- 

mation or  by  state  action  or  by  the  13th  amend- 
ment? 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  27, 


Chapter  6 

CONGRESS  REJECTS  THE  “RESTORATION” 

References 

A 

Burgess.  Reconstruction,  ch.  2-5. 

DeWitt.  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Johnson,  § 2. 
Dunning.  Essays  on  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction. 
MacDonald.  Select  Statutes,  no.  42-44,  51. 

McCall.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  ch.  13-15. 

Story.  Charles  Sumner. 


B 

Congressional  Globe,  1863-67.  Under  “ Stevens,”  “ Sumner,” 
“Wade,”  “Davis.” 

Hollis.  Reconstruction  in  South  Carolina,  ch.  3. 

McPherson.  Rebellion,  p.  317-32. 

Reconstruction.  Use  table  of  contents. 

Opposition  to  Lincoln 

A McCarthy.  Lincoln’s  Plan  of  Reconstruction. 

Scott.  Reconstruction  during  the  War. 

B Congressional  Globe,  1864.  See  index  under  “ Wade  ” 
and  “ Davis.” 

McPherson.  Rebellion,  p.  317. 

Nicolay  & Hay.  Abraham  Lincoln.  See  index  under 
“Wade,”  “Davis”  and  “Reconstruction.” 

1 Congress  refuses  to  admit  representatives  from  Arkan- 

sas, 1864. 

2 Wade-Davis  bill,  July  1864;  President’s  proclama- 

tion July  8,  1864;  Wade-Davis  protest,  August 
1864. 

3 Radical  convention  at  Cleveland  O.,  May  1864. 

4 Congress  refuses  to  count  electoral  vote  of  any  state 

that  passed  ordinance  of  secession,  Feb.  8,  1865. 


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Roll  of  the  39th  Congress 

A Barnes.  History  of  the  39th  Congress,  ch.  7. 

Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  42. 

Chadsey.  President  Johnson  and  Congress. 

Dunning.  Essays  on  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction, 
p.  86,  90. 

B Blaine.  Twenty  \ears  of  Congress,  2:203. 

McPherson.  Reconstruction,  p.  72. 

1 Southern  members-elect  of  Congress  present. 

Republican  caucus  orders  Clerk  of  House  not  to 
call  the  roll  of  Southern  States 
Southern  members  thus  excluded. 

2 Stevens’s  resolution  adopted ; southern  representa- 

tives to  be  excluded  till  both  houses  agree. 
Joint  committee  on  reconstruction 
A Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  41,  57,  85. 

Hollis.  Reconstruction  in  South  Carolina,  p.  54-61. 

Report  of  Joint  Committee  on  Reconstruction. 

B Rhodes.  History  of  the  United  States,  v.  5,  ch.  30. 

1 To  report  on  condition  of  seceded  states. 

2 Meanwhile  southern  representatives  to  be  excluded. 

3 Character  of  investigation  made.  Witnesses  ex- 

amined. 

4 Report  favors  repudiation  of  President’s  work  of 

restoration,  except  in  Tennessee;  “forfeited 
rights”  theory;  minority  report  by  Reverdy 
Johnson. 

Votes  and  resolutions,  1865-67 

A DeWitt.  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Johnson,  § 2-5. 
McPherson.  Reconstruction. 

Rhodes.  History  of  the  United  States,  v.  5,  ch.  30. 

B Barnes.  History  of  the  39th  Congress. 

Richardson.  Messages  and  Papers  of  Congress,  v.  7, 
Johnson’s  veto  messages. 

1 Appointment  of  joint  committee. 

2 Southern  representatives  to  be  excluded. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  25 


3 Freedmen’s  Bureau  bills. 

4 Civil  rights  bill. 

5 14th  amendment. 

Legislation  in  regard  to  freedmen 

A Burgess.  Reconstruction,  ch.  4. 

Clayton.  White  and  Black  under  the  Old  Regime, 
p.  156-65. 

Fleming.  Alabama,  ch.  9. 

Documents  relating  to  Reconstruction,  no.  8. 

Garner.  Reconstruction  in  Mississippi,  p.  1 13-19. 

Hart.  Contemporaries,  v.  4,  no.  151. 

Herbert.  Solid  South,  p.  29-39. 

Rhodes.  History  of  the  United  States,  5 :555-5S. 
Thompson.  History  of  the  United  States,  p.  419. 

B Andrews.  South  Since  the  War,  ch.  17. 

Blaine.  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,  2:93-107. 

Cox.  Three  Decades  of  Federal  Legislation. 

Eckenrode.  Virginia  during  Reconstruction. 

Hollis.  Early  Reconstruction  Period  in  South  Caro- 
lina, p.  48-51. 

McPherson.  Reconstruction,  p.  29-44. 

Stone.  Article  in  Mississippi  Historical  Society  Publi- 
cation, v.  4. 

1 Labor  conditions  1865-66. 

Negroes  refuse  to  work.  Vagrancy  common. 
Price  of  cotton  high ; but  no  labor. 

2 No  laws  on  statute  books  were  applicable  to  freed- 

men ; made  for  whites  only. 

3 Vagrancy  laws ; an  extension  to  blacks  of  the  laws 

formerly  relating  to  whites.  In  most  cases  laws 
make  no  distinction  on  account  of  color. 

4 Apprentice  system  of  whites  extended  to  include 

blacks. 

Sometimes  former  master  given  preference. 
Negro  orphans  numerous.  Law  meant  that 
former  owner  should  be  responsible  for  young 
negroes. 


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5 Criminal  laws  extended  to  blacks. 

Distinction  of  race  made  in  some  cases. 

For  some  offenses  negro  punished  more  severely. 
For  others,  whites  punished  more  severely. 

6 Rights  given  negroes  to  testify  in  courts,  to  sue 

and  be  sued,  to  own  property.  In  some  states  right 
to  bear  arms  was  restricted,  and  ministers  had  to  be 
licensed. 

7 Laws  defining  race  : a negro  was  a pure  black  or  a per- 

son with  from  jg  to  { negro  blood.  Mixed  schools 
not  allowed. 

8 Laws  relating  to  marriage. 

Negroes  and  whites  must  not  intermarry. 

Slave  marriages  declared  valid. 

Marriage  laws  of  whites  extended  to  blacks. 

9 Substantial  civil  and  legal  equality  assured  to 

blacks. 

About  equivalent  to  the  legal  position  of  white 
women. 

Social  and  political  inequality. 

Regarded  by  the  law  as  an  inferior  race. 
jo  To  a certain  extent  these  laws  were  modeled  on 
the  regulations  of  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau ; point 
of  view  the  opposite. 

11  Explanation  of  negro  legislation. 

12  Effect  on  public  opinion  in  North  ; became  a poli- 

tical issue;  laws  not  accurately  described  in 
North. 

13  Restrictive  provisions  of  these  laws  were  never  en- 

forced. 

Regulations  of  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau  prohibited 
enforcement. 

Bureau  of  Freedmen,  Refugees  and  Abandoned  Lands 
(Freedmen’s  Bureau) 

A Annual  Cyclopaedia,  1864-70,  under  “ Freedmen.” 

Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  44,  45,  64,  87. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  27 


DuBois.  Article  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  Mar.  1901. 

Fleming.  Alabama,  ch.  11. 

■ Documents  relating  to  Reconstruction,  nos.  6,  7, 

p.  1-56. 

Garner.  Reconstruction  in  Mississippi,  p.  34g. 

Herbert.  Solid  South,  ch.  1,  2. 

Hollis.  Reconstruction  in  South  Carolina,  ch.  5. 
Pierce.  Freedmen’s  Bureau. 

Rhodes.  History  of  the  United  States,  5:572-98. 

B Andrews.  The  South  Since  the  War. 

Barnes.  History  of  the  39th  Congress,  ch.  5-7,  12. 
Bruce.  Plantation  Negro  as  a Freeman. 

Curtis.  Constitutional  History,  2 :36g. 

Ku  Klux  Report  (Testimony).  See  index  under  “Freed- 
men’s Bureau.” 

MacDonald.  Select  Statutes,  no.  44,  51. 

McPherson.  Reconstruction,  p.  67,  68,  147. 

Pollard.  Lost  Cause,  ch.  45. 

Report  of  Joint  Committee  on  Reconstruction,  under 
“ Freedmen’s  Bureau.” 

Reports  of  Grant,  Schurz  and  Truman,  referred  to  in  ch. 
1 above. 

Slater  Fund  Trustees.  Occasional  Papers,  no.  3. 
Taylor.  Destruction  and  Reconstruction,  p.  259. 
American  Journal  of  Education,  18:135. 

Atlantic  Monthly.  Nov.  1861,  (Pierce). 

DeBow’s  Review,  n.  s.  2 :34b. 

New  Princeton  Review,  1:37352:234  (Howard). 

Old  and  New,  1 :200,  373  (Andrews): 

Southern  Magazine,  13:633. 

Lippincott's  Magazine,  7:609. 

1 “ Department  of  Negro  Affairs  ” during  war. 

2 Laws  establishing  the  bureau.  Veto  messages  of  the 

President. 

3 Reasons  for  establishing  the  bureau. 

To  stand  between  white  and  black. 

Distrust  of  former  masters. 

To  relieve  suffering  among  negroes  and  “ Union 
refugees.” 

To  take  charge  of  confiscated  and  abandoned 
lands. 


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HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


4 Organization : commissioner,  assistant  commis- 

sioners, local  superintendents,  agents,  school 
superintendents,  and  inspectors. 

5 Object  and  scope  of  work. 

To  embrace  all  matters  in  which  blacks  were  con- 
cerned. 

6 Relief  work : among  blacks,  among  whites. 

Issue  of  rations  and  clothes. 

Medical  attendance;  hospitals. 

Transportation  of  refugees. 

Demoralization  caused  by  relief  work. 

7 Educational  and  church  work. 

Allied  with  northern  aid  societies. 

Character  of  bureau  schools. 

Effect  on  race  relations. 

Attitude  of  southern  whites. 

Bureau  encourages  separate  churches  for  blacks. 

8 Finances  of  bureau. 

Sources  of  income  ; amount  expended. 
Discrepancies.  Defalcations.  Charges  of  cor- 
ruption. 

Investigations  by  Congress.  General  Howard. 

9 Confiscated  lands. 

Lands  allotted  to  negroes. 

Causes  belief  in  “ 40  acres  and  a mule  ” ; disorder 
and  idleness. 

Swindling  of  negroes  by  pretended  land  agents. 

10  Regulation  of  labor. 

Contract  system  required. 

Hours,  wages,  and  time  of  payment  fixed. 

Why  these  regulations  failed:  too  much  theory; 
no  regard  to  actual  conditions. 

11  Bureau  courts. 

Jurisdiction  of  these  courts. 

Please  blacks,  irritate  whites. 

Quality  of  justice  administered. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  2g 


Purchase  of  some  officials  by  whites.  Black- 
mail. 

12  Character  of  bureau  officials. 

Higher  officials  usually  good. 

Local  ag-ents  usually  camp  followers  and  adven- 
turers of  bad  character. 

13  The  bureau  as  a political  machine. 

Secures  control  of  blacks. 

Bureau  officials  enter  politics  in  1867. 

Most  of  them  elected  to  office  by  negro  votes. 

14  Effect  of  the  work  of  bureau. 

Freedmen’s  Savings  and  Trust  Company  (Freedmen’s 
Savings  Bank) 

A Fleming'.  Alabama,  ch.  ir,  § 2. 

Documents  relating  to  Reconstruction,  nos.  6,  7, 

P-  56-63. 

Hoffman.  Race  Traits  and  Tendencies  of  the  American 
Negro,  p.  289-90. 

Williams.  History  of  the  Negro  Race,  v.  2. 

B Douglass.  Life  and  Times. 

DuBois.  Souls  of  Black  Folk. 

House  Misc.  Doc.  no.  16.  43d  Cong.  2d  Sess. 

Reports  of  Freedmen’s  Bureau  officials  in  Public  Docu- 
ments. See  tables  and  index  under  “ Freedmen’s 
Bureau  ” and  “ District  of  Columbia.” 

Senate  Rep’t,  no.  449,  48th  Cong.  2d  Sess. 

Banker’s  Magazine  (N.  Y.)  29:936;  36:14. 

Nation,  20:253,  289. 

Old  and  New,  2:245. 

1 Object  of  institution;  incorporators. 

2 Organization;  connection  with  Freedmen’s 

Bureau. 

3 Bank  book  used  by  depositors. 

4 Good  effect  on  negroes. 

Many  begin  to  save  money. 

Purchase  lands  and  homes. 

5 Volume  of  business  done. 


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HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


6  Corruption,  mismanagement,  failure. 

Negroes  lost  their  deposits,  discouraged. 

United  States  government  winds  up  affairs  of 
the  bank. 

Campaign  of  1866  and  defeat  of  President 

A Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  98-104. 

Cambridge.  Modern  History,  7:629. 

DeWitt.  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Johnson. 

Gorham.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  2:329. 

Herbert.  Solid  South,  p.  11-21. 

Rhodes.  History  of  the  United  States,  v.  5,  ch.  30. 

B Barnes.  History  of  the  39th  Congress. 

McCall.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  ch.  15. 

McPherson.  Handbook  of  Politics  for  1866. 

Reconstruction,  p.  118-20,  123-24,  240-42. 

Savage.  Life  of  Johnson. 

1 The  issue : “ restoration  ” by  the  President  or  “ re- 

construction ” by  Congress. 

2 Conventions  of  soldiers  and  sailors. 

3 The  President  enters  the  contest ; his  speeches ; 

“ swinging  round  the  circle.” 

4 National  conventions  and  platforms. 

5 President  defeated ; explanation. 


Topics  for  papers 

1 What  was  peculiar  about  the  calling  of  the  roll  of 

the  39th  Congress? 

2 Provisions  of  the  Civil  Rights  act. 

3 Explain  necessit3r  for  legislation  in  regard  to 

freedmen. 

4 Pdaine’s  argument  against  the  freedmen’s  codes. 

5 Herbert’s  defense  of  the  laws. 

6 Essential  provisions  of  the  laws. 

7 The  good  accomplished  by  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau. 

8 Evil  results  of  the  bureau’s  work. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  3 1 


9  Failure  of  the  Freedmen’s  Savings  Bank. 

10  One  of  the  President’s  speeches  in  1866. 

11  “ Swinging  round  the  circle.” 

[See  also  material  in  appendix] 


Chapter  7 

“RECONSTRUCTION”  BY  CONGRESS 

References 

A 

Andrews.  United  States  in  Our  Own  Time,  ch.  1. 

Burgess.  Reconstruction,  ch.  4-9. 

Dunning.  Essays  on  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction,  ch.  2-5. 
Fleming.  Article  in  American  Historical  Magazine,  July  1903. 
Garner.  Mississippi,  ch.  5,  7. 

McCall.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  ch.  16. 

Story.  Charles  Sumner. 


B 

Barnes.  History  of  the  39th  Congress. 

Davis.  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Confederate  Government,  v.  2, 
ch.  56,  5 7- 

Gorham.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  2 :3i2-458. 

Hoar.  Autobiography,  v.  1,  ch.  17. 

Hollis.  Reconstruction  in  South  Carolina,  ch.  3 and  4. 
McPherson.  Handbook  of  Politics  for  1867. 

Reconstruction. 

Progress  of  opposition  to  President  before  1867 

A Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  15,  57,  67. 

DeWitt.  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Johnson,  § 2-5. 
Hart.  Contemporaries,  v.  4,  no.  152. 

B Barnes.  History  of  the  39th  Congress,  ch.  4,  8,  11, 
12,  19. 

MacDonald.  Select  Statutes,  nos.  50-55. 

McPherson.  Reconstruction. 


32 


I-IOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


1 Wade-Davis  bill;  rejection  of  Arkansas  congress- 

men; electoral  vote  1865. 

2 Irritation  caused  by  unwise  speeches  of  President. 

3 First  civil  rights  act  passed  over  veto,  1866. 

Conferred  United  States  citizenship  on  the  negro. 
Gave  negro  legal  and  civil  equality  in  all  states. 
To  be  enforced  by  severe  penalties. 

4 14th  amendment  proposed  by  Congress. 

To  make  effective  the  civil  rights  act. 

To  reduce  southern  representation  or  to  induce 
states  to  allow  negroes  to  vote. 

To  disfranchise  prominent  whites  in  South. 

To  secure  United  States  public  debt  and  repudi- 
ate Confederate  Avar  debt. 

Not  sent  to  President  for  his  approval  as  Con- 
stitution provides. 

President  opposed  amendment. 

This  amendment  to  be  required  of  the  Southern 
States. 

5 Second  Freedmen’s  Bureau  act  passed  over  veto, 

1866. 

Greatly  enlarged  power  of  bureau. 

Objections  of  President. 

Dissatisfaction  among  moderate  Republicans. 

6 Restoration  of  Tennessee,  July  24,  1866. 

Preamble  asserts  authority  of  Congress  over  re- 
construction. 

7 Report  of  joint  committee  on  reconstruction. 

8 Negro  suffrage  in  District  of  Columbia  and  in  the 

territories,  January  1867. 

Tenure  of  office  act,  Mar.  2,  1867 

A Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  122. 

DeWitt.  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Johnson,  ch.  2. 
Dunning.  Essays  on  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction, 
p.  261. 

MacDonald.  Select  Statutes,  no.  57. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  33 


B Barnes.  History  of  the  39th  Congress,  p.  559-60. 
Gorham.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  v.  2,  ch.  109. 

1 To  limit  power  of  President  over  officials. 

2 Fear  that  President  would  use  power  of  dismissal  to 

strengthen  his  position  against  Congress. 

3 Left  him  only  power  of  suspension. 

Command  of  army  act,  Mar.  2,  1867 

A Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  128. 

DeWitt.  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Johnson,  p.  201-2. 
MacDonald.  Select  Statutes,  no.  59. 

B McPherson.  Reconstruction,  p.  178. 

1 Rider  to  army  appropriation  bill. 

2 President  deprived  of  command  of  army.  Head- 

quarters to  be  in  Washington. 

3 General  of  army  could  not  be  interfered  with  by 

President. 

4 All  orders  to  army  to  come  from  or  through  gen- 

eral of  the  army. 

5 Effect  anticipated  in  estranging  Johnson  an(d 

Grant. 

Reconstruction  acts  of  Congress,  1867 

A Andrews.  United  States  in  Our  Own  Time,  p.  18-20. 
Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  112-38. 

DeWitt.  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Johnson,  ch.  2. 
Dunning.  Essays  on  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction, 
P-  123-25 

Fleming.  Alabama,  ch.  12. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  p.  156. 

MacDonald.  Select  Statutes,  nos.  56,  62,  64,  67. 

Wilson.  History  of  the  American  People,  v.  5,  ch.  1 
B Barnes.  History  of  the  39th  Congress,  ch.  22. 
Herbert.  Solid  South,  ch.  7 and  appendix. 

McPherson.  Reconstruction,  p.  166-73,  178-81. 
Richardson.  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents, 
v.  7,  see  Johnson’s  veto  messages. 


3 


34 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


1 Act  of  Mar.  2,  1867. 

Southern  state  governments  overturned. 

Five  military  districts  established. 

Each  under  command  of  general  officer  of  the 
army. 

To  rule  by  martial  law. 

Terms  of  escape:  negro  suffrage;  disfranchise- 
ment of  leading  whites ; adoption  of  14th 
amendment. 

Military  commander  might  use  provisional  gov- 
ernment. 

2 Act  of  Mar.  23,  1867. 

Seemed  that  southern  whites  preferred  military 
rule. 

Generals  to  make  registration  of  voters  and  to  in- 
clude blacks. 

To  hold  elections  for  constitutional  conventions 
in  each  state. 

Constitutions  adopted  to  be  sent  to  Congress  for 
approval. 

Generals  in  control  of  machinery  of  elections. 

3 Act  of  July  19,  1867. 

Interpretation  of  former  acts  by  President  and  his 
Cabinet. 

Interpretation  of  Congress  which  repudiates  in- 
structions of  President. 

President  deprived  of  authority  over  subordi- 
nate commanders. 

4 Supreme  ruling  body  during  reconstruction. 

Congress  for  the  country  at  large. 

Joint  committee  on  reconstruction  for  the  South. 

Disaffection  in  Cabinet 

A Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  90,  142. 

ueWitt.  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Johnson. 

McCulloch.  Men  and  Measures. 

B Gorham.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  2:300. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  35 


1 Speed,  Dennison  and  Harlan  disagree  with  Johnson 

and  resign. 

2 Stanton  disagrees,  but  holds  his  place ; encouraged 

by  Republican  leaders ; uses  his  positipn  to  hinder 
President. 

3 Stanton  suspended,  August  1867,  after  having  re- 

fused to  resign.  General  Grant  made  acting 
Secretary  of  War. 

Impeachment  of  President,  March  to  May  1868 

A Blaine.  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,  v.  2,  ch.  14. 
Boutwell.  Reminiscences,  2:55,  96,  112,  113. 

Article  in  McClure’s  Magazine,  14:171. 

Burgess.  Reconstruction,  ch.  9. 

Chadsey.  President  Johnson  and  Congress. 

DeWitt.  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Johnson. 
Dunning.  Essays  on  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction, 
p.  253-303- 

Hart.  Contemporaries,  v.  4,  no.  134. 

McCall.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  ch.  18. 

McCulloch.  Men  and  Measures,  p.  392. 

MacDonald.  Select  Statutes,  no.  66. 

Ross.  Article  in  Forum,  19:595;  in  Scribner’s,  11:519. 
Schofield.  Article  in  Century  Magazine,  32 :576. 

Sherman.  Recollections,  v.  1,  ch.  19. 

Story.  Charles  Sumner,  p.  332,  347-51. 

B Congressional  Globe,  40th  Cong.  2d  Sess.  Supplement  on 
Trial  of  the  President. 

Godkin  articles  in  the  Nation,  3:310;  4:170-75,  214; 
6:184,  404. 

Gorham.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  2:393-458. 

[Gov’t  Printing  Office].  Trial  of  Andrew  Johnson  on 
Impeachment : v.  1,  Preliminaries,  Opening  Argu- 
ments, Evidence;  v.  2,  Arguments  and  Final  Vote; 
v.  3,  Opinions  and  Appendix. 

Hart.  Salmon  P.  Chase,  p.  358-60. 

Harper’s  Weekly,  Sep.  3,  1904. 

McPherson.  Reconstruction,  p.  264-82. 

North  American  Review,  (141  :57o.) 

[Peterson].  Great  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Andrew 
Johnson. 


36 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


[Rives  & Bailey].  Proceedings  in  the  Trial  of  Andrew 
Johnson. 

Senate  Journal,  40th  Cong.,  2d  Sess. 

1 Early  attempts  at  impeachment;  nature  of  charges. 

2 President  an  obstacle  in  way  of  congressional  re- 

construction. 

3 Trouble  with  Stanton. 

4 Attempts  to  get  tenure  of  office  act  before  courts. 

5 General  Grant  becomes  hostile  to  Johnson. 

6 Articles  of  impeachment ; charges. 

Violation  of  tenure  of  office  act  of  Mar.  2,  1867. 
Violation  of  anticonspiracy  act  of  July  31,  1861. 
Violation  of  command  of  army  act  of  Mar.  2, 
1867. 

High  misdemeanors  in  his  speeches  in  1866. 

7 Trial  of  President. 

Organization  of  court.  Political  or  judicial  body. 
Prosecution  and  defense. 

Evidence  in  the  case.  • 

Pressure  brought  to  bear  to  secure  conviction. 
Republican  senators  who  voted  for  acquittal. 
Failure  of  impeachment. 

General  result  of  failure. 

Execution  of  reconstruction  acts 

A Burgess.  Reconstruction,  ch.  8,  10,  11. 

Dunning.  Essays,  p.  136-76,  176-253. 

Fleminsr.  Alabama,  ch.  12-15. 

Article  in  American  Historical  Magazine,  July  1903. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  ch.  5. 

Herbert.  Solid  South  (any  state). 

Hollis.  Reconstruction  in  South  Carolina,  ch.  3,  4. 

B MacDonald.  Select  Statutes,  no.  67-69. 

Mississippi  Historical  Society,  Publications,  v.  2 
(Power). 

Sheridan.  Personal  Memoirs,  v.  2,  ch.  11. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  37 


1 Commanders  appointed  in  South. 

2 Military  government;  character  of  generals;  their 

methods. 

3 Registration  of  voters ; character  of  registrars ; 

negro  majorities  in  five  states;  small  white  major- 
ities in  five  states. 

4 Elections  held  for  constitutional  conventions. 

Efforts  to  get  entire  negro  vote  out. 

5 Conventions  : character  of  delegates. 

“ Black  and  tan  ” ; “ Black  crook  ” ; “ Menagerie.” 
Ridicule  by  southern  whites. 

Parties  in  conventions. 

Work  of  conventions. 

6 New  constitutions;  how  ratified. 

Ratified  in  Arkansas,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida  and  Louisiana. 
Rejected  in  Alabama  and  Mississippi. 

Affairs  in  Virginia  and  Texas. 

Frauds  in  elections. 

7 Act  of  Alar,  n,  1868,  changing  acts  of  Mar.  2 

and  23,  1867.  The  case  of  Alabama. 

8 Reconstructed  legislatures  meet  and  ratify  14th 

amendment. 

9 Congress  then  admits  Southern  States  to  represen- 

tation. 

Fundamental  conditions  imposed  in  regard  to  suf- 
frage. 

Character  of  new  representatives. 

Party  necessity  causes  early  readmission  of  some 
states. 

10  14th  amendment  adopted.  Seward’s  peculiar  procla- 

mation. 

11  Campaign  of  1868:  platforms  and  candidates. 

12  Delay  in  reconstruction  in  Virginia,  Texas  and  Missis- 

sippi. Further  conditions  imposed:  15th  amend- 
ment. 


3§ 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


13  Georgia  expelled;  final  restoration. 

14  President  Grant  and  reconstruction. 

15  Withdrawal  of  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau.  Repeal  of 

cotton  tax. 

16  Are  the  states  equal? 

Supreme  Court  and  reconstruction 

A Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  12,  144,  146,  196,  197. 
Dunning.  Article  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  Oct.  1901. 
Garner.  Mississippi,  p.  159,  168. 

B Cambridge  Modern  History,  7 .633. 

Dunning.  Essays.  See  index. 

See  list  of  Supreme  Court  decisions  in  appendix  to  this 
syllabus. 

1 Personnel  of  the  court.  Chase.  Signs  of  reaction. 

2 Grapeshot  case,  on  Lincoln's  Provisional  Court  in 

Louisiana  [4  Wallace], 

3 Ex  parte  Milligan  [4  Wallace  2]  : Military  commis- 

sions in  state  not  in  insurrection  are  not  constitu- 
tional. 

4 Mississippi  v.  Johnson  [4  Wallace  475]  : Supreme 

Court  declined  to  interfere  in  matters  pertaining 
to  political  departments  of  government. 

5 Ex  parte  McCardle  [6  Wallace  318;  7 Wallace 

506]  : Brought  reconstruction  acts  before  Su- 
preme Court.  By  act  of  Mar.  27,  1868,  Congress 
abolished  jurisdiction  of  Supreme  Court.  Fear 
that  court  would  decide  against  constitutionality 
of  acts. 

6 Ex  parte  Garland  [4  Wallace  333  and  ex  parte 

Cummings  4 Wallace  277]  : Test  oath  h>  ex- 
clude Confederates  from  professions  not  consti- 
tutional. 

7 Texas  v.  White,  1869  [7  Wallace  700]  : Supreme 

Court  theory  of  reconstruction;  forfeited  rights; 
indissoluble  union  of  indestructible  states. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  39 


Topics  for  papers 

1 History  of  the  14th  amendment. 

2 Quarrel  between  General  Grant  and  President 

Johnson. 

3 Stanton  as  a cabinet  official  under  Johnson. 

4 Causes  of  the  impeachment. 

5 A description  of  the  trial  before  the  Senate. 

6 Black  and  tan  ” convention  in  South  Carolina. 

7 National  party  platforms  of  1868,  on  question  of 

reconstruction. 

8 The  steps  by  which  a state  came  back  into  the 

Union  [Herbert,  any  chapter]. 

9 Chief  Justice  Chase  on  reconstruction  [Hart], 

Chapter  8 

CARPETBAG  AND  NEGRO  RULE 

References 

A 

Andrews.  United  States  in  Our  Own  Time,  ch.  5,  6. 
Bancroft.  Negro  in  Politics. 

Burgess.  Reconstruction,  ch.  12. 

Chamberlain.  Article  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  April  1901. 
Fleming.  Alabama,  pt.  6. 

Documents  relating  to  Reconstruction,  nos.  3-5. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  p.  186-389. 

Herbert.  Solid  South. 

Nordhoff.  Cotton  States  in  1875. 

Page.  Article  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  Sep.  1901. 

Pike.  Prostrate  State. 

Somers.  Southern  States  Since  the  War. 

B 

Andrews.  Articles  in  Scribner’s  Magazine  (1895)  p.  270,  441, 

566. 

Forum.  5 1383. 

Harrell.  Brooks-Baxter  War  in  Arkansas. 

King.  Great  South. 

Mississippi  Historical  Society  Publications,  v.  2-8. 

New  England  Magazine,  26:148. 


40 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


North  American  Review,  103:520;  123:249;  128:161. 

Wallace.  Carpet  Bag  Rule  in  Florida. 

The  new  electorate 

Andrews.  Our  Own  Time,  p.  20,  21. 

Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  245-46. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  p.  135,  187,  414. 

Herbert.  Solid  South,  p.  27,  42. 

1 Proportion  of  white  voters  to  blacks  in  each  state. 

2 Number  and  character  of  whites  disfranchised. 

3 Leaders:  aliens  (carpetbaggers);  native  whites 

(scalawags)  ; negroes. 

Government  for  the  benefit  of  the  governors 

A Andrews.  Our  Own  Time,  ch.  4. 

Burgess.  Reconstruction,  ch.  12. 

Fleming.  Alabama,  ch.  17,  18. 

Reconstruction  Documents,  nos.  4,  5. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  p.  189. 

Hart.  Contemporaries,  v.  4,  no.  157;  Source-Book,  no. 
132. 

Herbert.  Solid  South,  any  chapter. 

B Nordhoff.  Cotton  states  in  1875. 

Phelps.  Article  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  July  1901. 

Pike.  Prostrate  State. 

Political  Science  Quarterly,  9:692. 

1 Increase  in  number  of  offices ; salaries  larger : ex- 

penses of  administration  greater. 

2 Character  of  rulers.  Property  and  intelligence  no 

voice  in  government.  Government  by  nontaxpayers. 

3 Taxation  and  public  debts. 

Compare  with  antebellum  statistics. 

Frauds  in  bond  issues. 

Effect  of  heavy  taxation  on  property  values. 

4 Railroad  bond  indorsements. 

Methods  used  to  secure  indorsement. 

States  become  responsible  for  railroad  debts. 

5 “ Supplies,”  “ pay  certificates,”  lands  for  negroes,  cen- 

sus, “ gratuities,”  and  militia  in  South  Carolina. 

6 Conditions  in  Louisiana  and  Arkansas. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  41 

7 Other  states  not  so  badly  misgoverned. 

8 Other  forms  of  misgovernment. 

9 Election  methods  and  election  laws. 

Test  oaths,  registration,  reenfranchisement. 

10  General  character  of  reconstruction  state  legisla- 

tion. 

11  Use  of  Federal  troops  in  South,  1868-76. 

12  Organization  of  negro  militia;  arms  refused  to 

whites. 

13  Relations  between  the  races  during  reconstruction. 
Union  (“  Loyal  ”)  League 

A Pleming.  Alabama,  ch.  16. 

• Documents  relating  to  Reconstruction,  no.  3. 

Gulf  States  Historical  Magazine,  September  1903,  article 
on  “ Union  League.” 

Herbert.  Solid  South,  p.  41-43. 

Pierce.  Freedmen’s  Bureau,  p.  58,  163-66. 

B Century  Magazine,  6:949. 

Ku  Klux  Report,  Testimony.  See  index  under  “Union 
League.” 

Lester  and  Wilson.  Ku  Klux  Klan,  p.  45.' 

1 Origin  of  Union  League. 

2 Extension  to  South ; early  organization. 

3 Literature  circulated  by  league. 

4 Blacks  admitted  to  membership ; effect  on  white 

membership. 

5 Constitution,  ritual  and  “catechism”;  initiation  of 

members ; pledges  exacted. 

6 Methods  employed  to  enforce  loyalty  to  radical 

party. 

7 Importance  of  the  order  as  a political  machine. 

8 Methods  employed  in  politics. 

9 Decline  of  the  order;  Union  League  and  Kuklux 

Klan. 

10  Red  Strings;  Black  Avengers;  Sons  of  the  Repub- 
lic, Alcorn  Clubs,  National  Guards,  Lincoln 
Brotherhood,  and  other  orders. 


42 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


Reconstruction  in  the  schools 

A Fleming.  Alabama,  ch.  5,  19. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  ch.  10. 

Montgomery  Conference.  Race  Problems,  p.  83,  113. 
Murphy.  Present  South. 

Harris.  Negro  Servitude  in  Illinois,  ch.  13. 

Talbot  Samuel  C.  Armstrong. 

B American  Journal  of  Education,  16:283. 

Curry.  Slater  Fund,  Occasional  Papers,  no.  3,  5. 
Tillinghast.  Negro  in  Africa  and  America,  p.  194-208. 

1 Antebellum  school  system. 

2 System  of  1865-67. 

3 Negro  in  northern  schools,  1864-67. 

4 Reconstructed  system. 

5 Freedmen’s  Bureau,  northern  missionaries,  and  aid 

societies. 

6 Opposition  of  whites  to  reconstructed  schools. 

7 Conditions  at  close  of  reconstruction. 

8 Influence  of  reconstruction  on  public  school  system. 

Reconstruction  in  the  churches 

A DuBois.  Negro  Church. 

Fleming.  Alabama,  ch.  20. 

Gulf  States  Historical  Magazine,  Sep.  1902. 

Kelsey.  Negro  Farmer,  ch.  5. 

Montgomery  Conference,  Race  Problems,  p.  114-59. 

B Ku  Klux  Report.  See  index  under  churches. 
Methodist  Quarterly,  26:418. 

Tillinghast.  Negro  in  Africa  and  America,  p.  194-208. 

1 Failure  of  “ disintegration  and  absorption  ” policy. 

2 Permanent  religious  divisions. 

3 “ Democratic  ” and  “ Republican  ” methodists. 

4 Character  and  influence  of  northern  missionaries. 

5 Southern  churches  and  negro  education. 

6 Negro  churches  of  South. 

7 Kttklux  Klan  burns  negro  churches  and  school- 

houses. 

8 Results  of  religious  reconstruction. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  43 


Topics  for  papers 

1 Carpetbag  and  negro  rule  in  one -southern  state. 

2 Frauds  in  South  Carolina  or  Louisiana. 

3 Political  influence  of  the  Union  League. 

4 Mistakes  in  negro  education  during  reconstruction. 

5 Character  of  negro  preachers. 

6 How  were  negro  churches  formed  ? 

[See  material  in  appendix] 


Chapter  p 

RECONSTRUCTION  OVERTHROWN 

Kuklux  movement 

A Andrews.  Our  Own  Time,  ch.  2. 

Atlantic  Monthly,  87 :634  (Brown). 

Brown.  Lower  South,  ch.  4. 

Century  Magazine,  6:398. 

Fleming.  Alabama,  ch.  21. 

Documents  relating  to  Reconstruction,  no.  1,  2,  4,  5. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  ch.  9. 

Lester  and  Wilson.  Ku  Klux  Klan. 

Somers.  Southern  States,  p.  35,  152. 

B Beard.  Ku  Klux  Sketches. 

Blaine.  Twenty  Years,  2:468. 

Brewer.  Children  of  Issachar. 

Dixon.  The  Clansman. 

Gentlemen’s  Magazine,  n.  s.  no.  40,  p.  436  (de  Horiland). 
Southern  History  Association.  Publications,  Sep.  1903. 
Southern  Bivouac,  4 :26g. 

Tourgee.  Invisible  Empire. 

Washington.  Up  from  Slavery,  p.  77-79. 

Wilson.  American  People,  v.  5,  ch.  1. 

I Causes  of  the  movement. 

“A  disordered  society  and  a bewildered  people.” 
Missionaries  and  teachers  from  North. 


44 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


Idleness  and  thievery  among  negroes. 

Corruption  in  government. 

Negroes  on  all  fertile  lands. 

Hostility  of  low  class  whites  to  negro. 

Fear  of  negro  militia;  social  equality.  Danger  to 
women. 

Disfranchisement  of  whites. 

2 Nature  of  the  movement:  secret,  revolutionary, 

illegal. 

3 Predecessors  of  the  Kuklux  Ivlan. 

Antebellum  and  postbellum  patrols. 

Vigilance  committees,  1865-66. 

Black  Cavalry  and  similar  bodies. 

4 Origin  and  growth  of  the  Kuklux  Ivlan  (Invisible 

Empire) . 

A social  club  in  Pulaski  Tenn. 

Changed  to  a body  of  regulators. 

Prescript  or  constitution  adopted. 

Expansion  over  Southern  States. 

Territory  occupied  by  the  Ivlan. 

Character  of  members  and  leaders. 

Degeneration  into  violence. 

5 Knights  of  the  White  Camelia. 

Began  in  Louisiana,  1867. 

Extended  over  the  lower  South. 

Constitution  and  ritual  of  the  order. 

Compared  with  Kuklux  Klan. 

6 Other  orders:  White  League,  White  Brotherhood, 

Pale  Faces,  Constitutional  Union  Guards,  Coun- 
cil of  Safety,  White  Rose;  scores  of  local  orders. 
Territory  occupied  by  the  societies. 

7 Methods  and  work  of  the  secret  orders. 

Defensive  at  first,  later  offensive. 

Terror  as  a means  of  controlling  the  blacks. 
Disguises,  threats,  night-riding. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  45 

Kuklux  orders,  warnings  and  punishments. 

More  violence  in  white  counties  than  in  black. 
Operate  at  certain  seasons  of  the  year. 
Conservative  politicians  oppose  orders. 

Effect  on  political  and  social  conditions. 

8 Spurious  Kuklux  organizations. 

Degenerate  Kuklux;  Anti-Kuklux ; bands  of  out- 
laws. Negro  Kuklux. 

Antinegro  sentiment  among  poor  whites. 

9 Results  of  movement. 

Made  whites  safer  in  life  and  property. 

Drove  out  carpetbaggers  and  scalawags. 
Suppressed  part  of  negro  vote. 

State  governments  brought  under  control  of 
whites. 

Established  leadership  of  second-rate  conservative 
politicians. 

“ Southern  Outrages  ” and  the  “ Force  laws  ” 

A Andrews.  Our  Own  Time,  p.  39. 

Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  253,  262. 

Cambridge  Modern  History,  7:642. 

Fleming.  Alabama,  ch.  21. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  p,  351-53. 

MacDonald.  Select  Statutes,  no.  85,  91,  92,  99. 

B McPherson.  Handbook  of  Politics,  1872,  p.  3-16,  85-91. 

1 “ Southern  Outrages  ” a political  issue,  1865-76. 

2 Newspapers  forbidden  to  print  Kuklux  orders. 

3 Periodic  outbreaks;  when  really  occur;  when  radi- 

cals claim  they  occur. 

4 Kuklux  investigation,  1871-72. 

5 Use  of  United  States  troops;  attitude  of  whites 

toward  United  States  troops. 

6 Passage  of  enforcement  laws,  1870-71. 

7 Act  of  May  31,  1870;  “ force  bill” 

To  enforce  15th  amendment. 

Rcguhled  elections  in  Southern  States. 

Directed  against  persons  not  states. 


46 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


Jurisdiction  of  federal  officers  and  federal  courts. 
Constitutionality  of  the  law. 

8 Supplementary  enforcement  act,  Feb.  28,  1871. 

Placed  control  of  elections  under  federal  authorities. 

9 “ Kuklux  act  ” of  Ap.  20,  1871. 

To  enforce  the  14th  amendment. 

Aimed  at  persons  not  states. 

Conspiracy  clause. 

President  to  use  army  and  navy. 

Practically  a declaration  that  a state  of  war  existed. 

10  Object  of  these  laws.  Constitutionality.  Effect  on 

state  governments. 

11  Execution  of  force  laws. 

Kuklux  trials  ; wholesale  arrests. 

Martial  law  declared  in  South  Carolina. 

Did  not  check  Kuklux  movement,  but  changed  it. 

12  Civil  rights  act,  1875. 

Negroes  must  have  same  rights  as  whites  in  hotels, 
steamboats,  trains,  places  of  amusement,  etc. 
Constitutionality  of  this  law. 

Reaction  in  Northern  States 

A Andrews.  Our  Own  Time,  ch.  3,  4,  5- 
Atlantic  Monthly,  88:437. 

Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  247-49,  272. 

Cambridge  Modern  History,  7 1639-43. 

B McPherson.  Handbooks  of  Politics,  1872,  1874. 

1 Industrial  development  and  expansion.  Passions 

cooler. 

2 Dissatisfaction  with  Grant’s  advisers;  spoils  sys- 

tem ; nepotism. 

3 Lack  of  regard  for  legalities  causes  criticism  of 

administration. 

4 Effect  of  the  Kuklux  investigations ; showed  true 

nature  of  negro  government. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  47 

5 Northern  people  became  acquainted  with  nature  of 

carpetbag  governments.  Dissatisfaction  with  policy 
of  administration  in  South. 

6 “ Liberal  ” Republicans.  “ New  Departure  ” Demo- 

crats. 

7 Grant-Greeley  campaign,  1872 : The  issues  and  the 

candidates. 

8 Amnesty  act  of  May  22,  1872. 

9 Corruption  in  North : Indian  agent  peculations ; 

Credit  Mobilier  scandal ; Whiskey  Ring ; resigna- 
tion of  Belknap;  Blaine;  “salary  grab  ” (1873)  ; 
no  appropriation  for  civil  service,  1874. 

10  Democrats  gain  six  northern  states,  1872-75;  two 

thirds  of  Congress,  1874-75. 

11  Republicans  put  forward  moderate  leaders. 

Search  for  new  issues ; put  House  in  order  for  new 
election. 

12  Parties  and  platforms  in  1876. 

Overthrow  of  carpetbag  governments,  1869-76 

A Andrews.  Our  Own  Time,  ch.  5,  6. 

Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  247-49,  273-75. 

Cambridge  Modern  History,  7:642. 

Fleming.  Alabama,  pt.  7. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  ch  ti. 

Herbert.  Solid  South.  See  each  state. 

Wilson.  American  People,  v.  5,  ch.  1. 

B Atlantic  Monthly,  88  -.4 37. 

Political  Science  Quarterly,  1894,  P-  671. 

Scribner’s  Monthly,  17:566. 

1 First  series  of  Democratic  victories:  Tennessee, 

1869;  West  Virginia,  Missouri,  North  Carolina, 
1870;  Georgia,  1871.  Democratic  successes  in 
North  also. 

2 Second  series:  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Texas,  1871; 

Mississippi,  1875. 

3 Third  series : Louisiana,  Florida,  South  Carolina, 

1876. 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


48 

4 Methods  used  to  overthrow  carpetbag  govern- 

ments. 

5 Result  of  overthrow : reforms,  economy ; taxation 

and  expenditure  reduced;  credit  raised;  new  con- 
stitutions made. 

6 Southern  Republicans  in  Congress. 

In  1869,  20  senators  and  40  representatives. 

In  1877,  2 senators  and  40  representatives. 

7 Exodus  of  carpetbaggers. 

Election  of  1876  and  end  of  carpetbag  rule 

A Andrews.  Our  Own  Time,  ch.  8,  9. 

Burgess.  Reconstruction,  ch.  13. 

Cambridge  Modern  History,  7 1642,  644,  645. 

Gibson.  Political  Crime. 

Herbert.  Solid  South,  p.  no,  165,  166,  424-27. 

Atlantic  Monthly,  87:473. 

McClure’s  Magazine,  May  1904. 

Pearson’s  Magazine,  Nov.  1903. 

B Bigelow.  Life  of  Tilden. 

Curtis.  Constitutional  history,  v.  2. 

Sherman.  Recollections,  7 :55o. 

South  Carolina  Women  in  the  Confederacy,  p.  376-83. 
Harper’s  Weekly,  July  30,  1904. 

Public  Opinion,  7 :S04. 

Scribner’s  Monthly,  17:566,  720. 

1 Candidates:  Hayes,  Moderate  Republican;  Tilden, 

Conservative  Democrat.  Radical  leaders  rejected. 

2 Issue:  gradual  or  immediate  undoing  of  reconstruc- 

tion. 

Returns:  Tilden,  184;  Hayes,  166;  19  disputed; 
necessary  to  elect,  185.  Opinion  on  the  day  after 
election. 

4 Conditions  in  Louisiana,  South  Carolina,  and 

Florida. 

5 Work  of  Republican  campaign  managers  and  “the 

visiting  statesmen.” 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  49 


6 Counting  of  the  electoral  vote. 

Double  returns;  22d  joint  rule. 

7 Electoral  commission  created.  Case  of  Judge  Davis. 

8 Decisions  of  commission. 

9 Bargain  with  South. 

Disputed  electoral  votes  counted  for  Hayes. 
Military  forces  withdrawn  from  South. 

State  governments  turned  over  to  Democrats. 

“ Solid  South  ” formed. 

10  Fate  of  radical  party  in  South. 

Topics  for  papers 

1 Describe  one  of  the  Kuklux  orders. 

2 Objects  of  the  Kuklux  movement. 

3 Purpose  of  the  “ Force  ” laws.  Criticize  them 

[Burgess] . 

4 Why  did  the  northern  people  become  dissatisfied 

with  reconstruction? 

5 Methods  used  to  overthrow  carpetbag  govern- 

ments. “ Mississippi  plan.” 

6 How  was  Hayes  made  President 7 

7 Result  of  the  election  of  1876  in  Louisiana,  Florida 

and  South  Carolina. 

8 Political  career  of  Wade  Hampton. 

[.See  material  in  appendix] 

Chapter  10 

UNDOING  OF  RECONSTRUCTION 

References 

Cambridge  Modern  History,  7:648. 

Atlantic  Monthly,  Oct.  1901  (Dunning). 

Supreme  Court  and  reconstruction  laws 

1 Slaughterhouse  cases  [16  Wallace  36]  : 14th  amend- 
ment does  not  restrict  “ police  ” powers  of  a state. 

4 


50 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


Other  decisions  continue  to  restrict  14th  amendment. 

2 U.  S.  7’.  Reese,  1875  [92  U.  S.  214]  U.  S.  v.  Harris, 

1882  [106  U.  S.  629]  : Sections  of  enforcement 
acts  declared  unconstitutional. 

3 Civil  rights  act  declared  unconstitutional  in  1883 

[109  U.  S.  3].  Social  rights. 

4 Supreme  Court  and  fundamental  conditions  im- 

posed by  reconstruction ; new  constitutions  of 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Alabama,  Virginia,  South 
Carolina,  and  North  Carolina  [170  U.  S.  213;  189 
U.  S.  475;  192  U.  S.  246]. 

5 Supreme  Court  and  rights,  of  the  negro  under  new 

constitutions. 

[See  list  of  cases  in  appendix;  U.  S.  Rep’ts  159-93] 

Revision  of  election  laws 

Andrews.  Our  Own  Time,  ch.  25,  p.  339-46. 

Atlantic  Monthly,  Oct.  1901  (Dunning) 

Cambridge  Modern  History,  7 1647. 

Political  Science  Quarterly,  9:671;  13:495. 

1 Registration  tests;  education;  poll  tax. 

2 Gerrymandering  : “ shoe  string  ” and  “ dumb-bell  ” 

districts. 

3 Indirect  and  complicated  laws. 

“ Eight  ballot  box  ” law.  Removal  of  voting  places 
at  short  notice. 

4 Trickery  and  evasion.  Use  of  carpetbag  methods. 

Destruction  of  negro  Republican  party 

Atlantic  Monthly,  Oct.  1901  (Dunning). 

Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  296-98. 

Garner.  Mississippi,  p.  410-14. 

1 Composition  of  party,  1868-76 : character  and  pur- 

poses of  leaders. 

2 “Mississippi  plan”;  shotgun  methods. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  5 1 

3 Social  and  business  ostracism  of  white  Republicans. 

4 Democratic  successes  in  1884  and  1892. 

Take  away  patronage  from  Republicans. 

5 Composition  of  Republican  party,  so  called,  in  South 

1876-1900:  character  and  purposes  of  leaders. 

“ Black  and  tan  ”,  and  “ Lily  white  ” divisions. 
Success  in  elections  not  desired. 

6 Main  purpose  of  organization  in  Southern  States  is  to 

hold  federal  offices. 

Character  of  leaders ; alliance  with  certain  demo- 
cratic politicians. 

New  constitutions  and  limitation  of  the  franchise 

A Atlantic  Monthly,  Oct.  1901  (Dunning). 

Atlantic  Monthly,  July  1904. 

Brown.  Lower  South,  ch.  5. 

Forum,  14:797;  32:460. 

Murphy.  Present  South,  ch.  6. 

Article  in  North  American  Review,  Jan.  1905. 

North  American  Review,  32:239,  569;  175:534. 

Review  of  Reviews,  25  :7i6. 

Scribner’s  Magazine,  July  1904. 

B See  also  Library  of  Congress,  Bibliography  on  Negro 
Question  and  list  of  cases  in  appendix,  U.  S.  Rep’ts 
159-93- 

1 Conditions  imposed  on  states  at  readmission. 

2 Terms  of  14th  and  15th  amendments. 

3 Limitation  of  franchise  began  about  1890.  Reasons. 

4 Evasion  of  amendments  : “ grandfather  ”,  “ old 

soldier  ”,  “ good  character  ”,  and  “ understand- 
ing- ” clauses. 

5 Evasive  provisions  of  new  constitutions  only  tem- 

porary. 

6 Educational,  taxpaying  and  property  qualifications. 

7 Progress  of  disfranchisement ; effect  on  white  and 

on  black  vote.  Effect  on  character  of  govern- 
ment. Relation  to  women  suffrage. 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


52 


8 Supreme  Court  and  new  constitutions. 

9 Difficulties  in  way  of  enforcing  amendments. 

Topics  for  papers 

1 Methods  of  eliminating  negro  vote. 

2 Attitude  of  Supreme  Court. 

3 Republican  party  in  the  South. 

4 Suffrage  provisions  of  one  of  the  new  southern 

constitutions. 

5 How  may  the  14th  and  15th  amendments  be  en- 

forced ? 

6 What  effect  has  the  15th  amendment  on  the 

second  section  of  the  14th? 


Chapter  11 

RESULTS  OF  RECONSTRUCTION 

References 

A 

Andrews.  Our  Own  Time,  ch.  25. 

Amer.  Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science,  America’s 
Social  Problems. 

Abbott,  E.  H.  Negro  Problems  ( see  Outlook  1904,  index). 
Burgess.  Reconstruction,  p.  298. 

DuBois.  Souls  of  Black  Folk. 

Harris.  Life  of  Henry  W.  Grady,  p.  69. 

Kelsey.  Negro  Farmer. 

Montgomery  Conference.  Race  Problems. 

Murphy.  Present  South. 

Outlook,  77:677-79. 

Page.  The  Negro;  the  Southerners’  Problem. 

Shaler.  The  Citizen,  p.  207-15,  220-38. 

Smith.  Color  Line. 

B 

Atlanta  University  Publications. 

Eliot,  C.  W.  (Sec  International  Quarterly,  Sep.  1904). 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  53 


McCracken.  Women  of  America,  chapter  on  “ Southern 
Women  and  Reconstruction.” 

Southern  Workman  (of  Hampton  Institute). 

Status  of  political  parties  in  South 

1 Democratic  party.  “ Solid  South  White  man’s 

party.  ‘‘  Commercial  ” Democrats. 

Conventions  and  primaries. 

2 Republican  party.  Federal  patronage.  Negroes. 

Mountain  whites.  Incompatible  elements. 

3 Significance  of  populist  movement. 

Why  it  failed  in  South  ? 

4 Political  morality;  machine  politics.  Less  interest 

and  intelligence  in  politics. 

Conditions  in  education  and  in  churches 
A Abbott.  Religious  Life  in  America. 

American  Negro  Academy.  Occasional  Papers,  no.  10. 
Brown.  Article  in  Outlook,  Oct.  1904. 

DuBois.  Negro  Church. 

Gunby.  Negro  Education. 

Kelsey.  Negro  Farmer,  ch.  5. 

Montgomery  Conference.  Race  Problems. 

Murphy.  Present  South. 

Talbot.  Samuel  C.  Armstrong. 

Washington.  Up  from  Slavery. 

B Manufacturers  Record,  1903-5,  Editorials  on  southern 
education. 

Reports  of  Southern  Education  Board. 

1 Only  small  expenditures  could  be  made  for  schools 

after  reconstruction. 

Taxation  falls  principally  on  whites. 

2 Sparse  population : two  schools  in  every  com- 

munity necessary,  one  for  each  race.  Neglect 
of  white  children  in  black  counties  and  of  black 
children  in  white  counties. 

3 Unsatisfactory  results  in  negro  education.  Change 

in  character  of  the  schools.  The  “ Washington 
Idea  ”.  Its  opponents. 


54 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


Some  white  people  demand  that  only  taxes  from 
negroes  be  used  for  negro  schools. 

4 Northern  aid  to  southern  education.  Lack  of 

understanding  and  cooperation.  “ Ogdenism  ”. 
Distrust  of  federal  or  northern  aid  to  southern 
education. 

5 Negro  church;  unsatisfactory  conditions  during 

and  after  reconstruction ; improvement  in  char- 
acter and  education  of  ministers ; slowly  in- 
creased influence  of  the  best  ones.  Relations  be- 
tween white  churches  and  black. 

6 Montgomery  Race  Conference,  1900. 

Industrial  reconstruction 

A Brown.  Article  in  North  American  Review,  Dec.  1904. 
Bruce.  Plantation  Negro  as  a Freeman. 

DuBois.  Souls  of  Black  Folk. 

DuBois.  Negro  Artisan. 

DuBois.  United  States  Dep’t  of  Labor,  bulletins  14,  22,  35. 
"Fleming.  Alabama,  ch.  22. 

■ Articles  in  American  Journal  of  Sociology,  Jan.  1905; 

in  Sewanee  Review,  Jan.  1905;  in  Political  Science 
Quarterly,  June  1905. 

Kelsey.  Negro  Farmer. 

/Murphy.  Present  South,  ch.  19-22. 

Phillips.  Article  in  South  Atlantic  Quarterly,  1903. 
Smedes.  Southern  Planter,  ch.  19-22. 

Spahr.  America’s  Working  People,  p.  72-90. 

Stone.  Article  in  South  Atlantic  Quarterly,  Jan.  1905; 

in  Quarterly  Jour,  of  Economics,  March  1905. 

‘ Tillinghast.  Negro  in  Africa  and  America,  p.  176-93- 
Washington.  Up  from  Slavery. 

B American  Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science, 
America’s  Race  Problems  (Winston). 

Brackett.  Negro  in  Maryland. 

''■J  Cable.  Silent  South. 

Chattanooga  Tradesman,  Aug.  15,  and  Oct.  15,  1891. 
Fortune.  Black  and  White:  Land,  Labor  and  Politics 
in  the  South.  . 

Manufacturers  Record  of  recent  years.  See  index  in 
each  issue,  on  “ Immigration  ”,  “ Labor  ”,  etc. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-/6  55 


Smith.  Cotton  Production  in  Alabama,  census  of  1880. 
Somers.  Southern  States,  under  “ agriculture  ”,  “ cot- 
ton ”,  “ negroes  ”. 

Stone.  Article  in  American  Economic  Association, 
Proceedings  1901,  p.  235-7.3. 

Thach  and  others.  American  Economic  Association 
Proceedings  1903,  p.  49-162. 

United  States  Dep't  of  Labor,  Bulletins  on  Negroes. 

1 Antebellum  system ; slave  labor,  white  labor. 

2 Break-up  of  old  system;  Freedmen’s  Bureau  regu- 

lations. 

3 Evolution  of  “ share  ” system ; credit  and  crop  lien. 

4 Negro  farmer  and  white  farmer. 

Negro  farmer  on  fertile  soils. 

White  farmer  on  poor  soils. 

Careful  cultivation  by  latter  who  produce  more  on 
poor  soil  than  negro  on  rich  lands. 

Progress  in  white  counties. 

Failure  in  black  belt.  Ebb  and  flow  of  negro 
laborers. 

5 "Whites  monopolize  other  industries.  Negro  losing 

industries  formerly  his  own. 

Negroes  not  successful  in  factories  etc. 

6 Incoming  of  northern  and  foreign  whites. 

7 Economic  conditions  in  black  belt ; segregation  of 

negroes.  “Moving”  from  plantation  to  planta- 
tion. 

8 Servant  problem.  Increasing  number  of  white 

servants,  specially  in  hotels. 

Race  problems 

Baker.  Lynching,  McClure's  Magazine,  Jan.  and  Feb.  1905. 
Cutler.  Lynch  Law. 

Montgomery  Conference.  Race  Problems. 

1 Race  problem  always  present. 

Social,  political,  religious,  educational,  industrial. 

2 Effect  of  constant  drawing  of  race  line. 


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3 Effect  of  outside  interference. 

4 Insecure  position  of  whites  in  certain  localities; 

lynching. 

Nullification  and  disfranchisement 

1 Effects  of  evasion  of  amendments. 

2 Some  complications  caused  by  disfranchisement. 

3 Whites  disfranchised.  Narrow  suffrage. 

4 Small  vote  in  elections.  Primaries. 

Economic  wreck  of  South 

1 Delay  in  development. 

2 Effect  on  habit  of  public  spending. 

Federal  administration  in  the  South 

Nelson.  Three  Months  of  Roosevelt,  Atlantic  Monthly, 
Feb.  1902. 

1 Character  of  officials. 

2 Hostility  to  negro  officials. 

Crum  and  Indianola  cases ; peculiar  campaign 
pictures  circulated  among  the  negroes. 

3 Whites  consider  administration  hostile. 

4 Provincial  government. 

5 How  the  people  consider  the  federal  government. 

6 Conditions  change  for  the  better  under  Cleveland, 

McKinley,  and  Roosevelt. 

Topics  for  papers 

1 The  Tuskegee  plan  of  education.  Armstrong  and 

Washington  as  educators  of  negroes. 

2 Why  is  the  public  school  a heavier  burden  upon 

the  taxpayers  in  the  South  than  in  the  North  or 
West  ? 

3 How  are  the  races  distributed  in  a state  like 

Georgia  or  Alabama?  [Nee  census  maps  of  popu- 
lation], 

4 Why  is  the  white  farmer  located  on  poor  soil  an  i 

the  black  one  on  fertile  soil? 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  57 

5 Which  profited  most  by  emancipation,  the  whites 

or  the  blacks? 

6 Is  free  negro  labor  more  or  less  efficient  than  slave 

labor?  [See  Smith's  bulletin,  census  of  1880]. 

7 How  has  the  Federal  administration  been  con- 

ducted in  the  South?  [Nelson  in  Atlantic  Monthly, 
Feb.  1902]. 


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APPENDIX:  ORIGINAL  MATERIAL 
for  the  study  of 

THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  SECEDED  STATES 

Conditions  in  the  South  after  the  Civil  War 

1 Truman  on  temper  of  the  South. 

2 Truman  on  negro  question. 

3 General  Grant  to  the  President. 

4 Chaplain  Buckley  on  destitution. 

5 Pike  on  the  ruin  of  the  slaveholders. 

6 Increasing  death  rate  of  the  blacks. 

7 Condition  of  the  blacks  (Sanford). 


Truman  on  temper  of  the  South 

...  I distinguish  between  loyalty  and  patriotism ; and 
I believe  the  distinction  not  ill  grounded.  That  glorious 
spontaneous  burst  of  popular  enthusiasm  with  which  the 
North  responded  as  one  man  to  the  echoing  thunders  of 
Sumter  was  the  most  sublime  exhibition  of  patriotism 
the  world  has  yet  witnessed;  the  quietness,  and  even 
cheerfulness,  with  which  the  same  people  once  yielded 
obedience  to  the  rule  of  James  Buchanan,  whose  ad- 
ministration they  hated  and  despised,  was  an  instance  of 
loyalty,  such  as  only  American  citizens  could  have  fur- 
nished. 

The  North  never  rebelled  against  James  Buchanan, 
nor  seriously  proposed  to  : but  I assert  without  hesitation, 
that,  now  the  war  has  swept  over  the  South,  there  is  no 
more  disposition  in  that  section  of  the  country  to  rebel 
against  the  national  government  than  there  was  in  the 
North  at  the  time  above  referred  to. 

If  any  general  assertion  can  be  made  that  will  apply  to 
the  masses  of  the  people  of  the  South,  it  is  that  they  are 
at  the  present  time  indifferent  toward  the  general  govern- 
ment. For  four  years  of  eventful  life  as  a nation,  they 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76 


were  accustomed  to  speak  of  and  regard  “ our  govern- 
ment ” as  the  one  which  had  it's  seat  in  Richmond ; and 
thousands  who  at  first  looked  upon  that  government  with 
great  suspicion  and  distrust,  gradually,  from  the  mere 
lapse  of  time  and  the  force  of  example,  came  to  admit 
it  into  their  ideas  as  their  government.  The  great  body 
of  the  people  in  any  country  always  move  slowly;  the 
transfer  of  allegiance  from  one  de  facto  government  to 
another  is  not  effected  in  a day,  whatever  oaths  of  loyalty 
may  be  taken ; and  I have  witnessed  many  amusing  in- 
stances of  mistakes  on  the  part  of  those  of  whose  attach- 
ments to  the  government  there  could  be  no  question. 
Ignorance  and  prejudice  always  lag  furthest  behind  any 
radical  change,  and  no  person  can  forget  that  the  violent 
changes  of  the  past  few  years  have  left  the  ideas  of  the 
populace  greatly  unsettled  and  increased  th  ir  indiffer- 
ence. Fully  one  half  of  the  southern  people  never 
cherished  an  educated  and  active  attachment  to  any 
government  that  was  over  them,  and  the  war  has  left 
them  very  much  as  it  found  them. 

The  rank  and  file  of  the  disbanded  southern  army — 
those  who  remained  in  it  to  the  end — are  the  backbone 
and  sinew  of  the  South.  Long  before  the  surrender, 
corps,  divisions,  brigades,  and  regiments  had  been 
thoroughly  purged  of  the  worthless  class — the  skulkers 
— those  of  whom  the  South,  as  well  as  any  other  country, 
would  be  best  rid ; and  these  it  is  that  are  now  prolonging 
past  bitternesses.  These  are  they,  in  great  part,  as  I 
abundantly  learned  by  personal  observation,  that  are  now 
editing  reckless  newspapers,  and  that  put  forth  those 
pernicious  utterances  that  so  little  represent  the  thinking, 
substantial  people,  and  are  so  eagerly  seized  out  and 
paraded  by  certain  northern  journalists,  who  themselves 
as  little  represent  the  great  North.  To  the  disbanded 
regiments  of  the  rebel  army,  both  officers  and  men,  I 
look  with  great  confidence  as  the  best  and  altogether  most 
hopeful  element  of  the  South,  the  real  basis  of  recon- 
struction and  the  material  of  worthy  citizenship.  On  a 
thousand  battlefields  they  have  tested  the  invincible 
power  of  that  government  they  vainly  sought  to  over- 


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throw,  and  along-  a thousand  picket  lines,  and  under  the 
friendly  flag  of  truce,  they  have  learned  that  the  soldiers 
of  the  Union  bore  them  no  hatred,  and  shared  with  them 
the  common  attributes  of  humanity.  Around  the  returned 
soldier  of  the  South  gathers  the  same  circle  of  admiring 
friends  that  we  see  around  the  millions  of  hearthstones 
in  our  own  section,  and  from  him  they  are  slowly  learning 
the  lesson  of  charity  and  of  brotherhood.  I know  of  very 
few  more  potent  influences  at  work  in  promoting  real  and 
lasting  reconciliation  and  reconstruction  than  the  influence 
of  the  returned  Southern  soldier.  Report  of  B.  C.  Truman 
to  the  President,  Ap.  p,  1866,  in  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  no.  43, 
39th  Cong.  1st  Scss.  p.  2 


Truman  on  the  negro  question 

...  As  to  the  personal  treatment  received  by  the  negro 
at  the  hands  of  the  southern  people  there  is  widespread 
misapprehension.  It  is  not  his  former  master,  as  a gen- 
eral thing,  that  is  his  worst  enemy,  but  quite  the  con- 
trary. 1 have  talked  earnestly  with  hundreds  of  old  slave 
owners,  and  seen  them  move  among  their  former  “ chat- 
tels,” and  I am  not  mistaken.  The  feeling  with  which  a 
very  large  majority  of  them  regard  the  negro  is  one  of 
genuine  commiseration,  although  it  is  not  a sentiment 
much  elevated  above  that  with  which  they  would  look 
upon  a suffering  animal  for  which  they  have  formed  an 
attachment.  Last  summer  the  negroes,  exulting  in  their 
new  found  freedom,  as  was  to  have  been  expected,  were 
gay,  thoughtless  and  improvident ; and,  as  a consequence, 
when  the  winter  came  hundreds  of  them  felt  the  pinchings 
of  want,  and  many  perished.  The  old  planters  have 
often  pointed  out  to  me  numerous  instances  of  calamity 
that  had  come  under  their  own  observation  in  the  case 
of  their  former  slaves  and  others.  . . 

It  is  the  former  slave  owners  who  are  the  best 
friends  the  negro  has  in  the  South; — those  who,  hereto- 
fore, have  provided  for  his  mere  physical  comfort,  gen- 
erally with  sufficient  means,  though  entirely  neglecting 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-/6  6l 

his  better  nature,  while  it  is  the  “ poor  whites  ” that  are 
his  enemies.  It  is  from  these  he  suffers  most.  In  a state 
of  slavery  they  hated  him ; and  now  that  he  is  free,  there 
is  no  striking’  abatement  of  this  sentiment,  and  the  former 
master  no  longer  feels  called  by  the  instinct  of  interest 
to  extend  that  protection  that  he  once  did.  On  the  streets, 
by  the  roadside,  in  his  wretched  hut,  in  the  field  of  labor 
— everywhere,  the  inoffensive  negro  is  exposed  to  their 
petty  and  contemptible  persecutions ; while,  on  the  other 
hand,  I have  known  instances  where  the  respectable,  sub- 
stantial people  of  a community  have  united  together  to 
keep  guard  over  a house  in  which  the  negroes  were  taking 
their  amusements,  and  from  which,  a few  nights  before, 
they  had  been  rudely  driven  by  vagabonds,  who  found 
pleasure  in  their  fright  and  suffering.  I reiterate,  that 
the  former  owners,  as  a Class,  are  the  negroes’  best 
friends  in  the  South,  although  many  of  this  class  dili- 
gently strive  to  discourage  the  freedmen  from  any 
earnest  efforts  to  promote  their  higher  welfare.  When 
one  believes  that  a certain  race  of  beings  are  incapable 
of  advancement,  he  is  very  prone  to  withhold  the  means 
of  that  advancement.  And  it  is  in  this  form  that  a 
species  of  slavery  will  longest  be  perpetuated — it  is  in 
these  strongholds  that  it  will  last  die  out.  I am  pretty 
sure  that  there  is  not  a single  negro  in  the  whole  South 
who  is  not  receiving  pay  for  his  labor  according  to  his 
own  contract ; but,  as  a general  thing,  the  freedmen  are 
encouraged  to  collect  about  the  old  mansion  in  their  little 
quarters,  labor  for  their  former  masters  for  set  terms, 
receiving,  besides  their  pay,  food,  quarters,  and  medical 
attendance,  and  thus  continuing  on  in  their  former  state 
of  dependence.  The  cruelties  of  slavery,  and  all  its  out- 
ward forms,  have  entirely  passed  away ; but,  as  might 
have  been  expected,  glimmerings  of  its  vassalage,  its  sub- 
serviency and  its  helplessness,  linger. 

It  is  the  result  of  my  observation  also,  not  only  that 
the  planters,  generally,  are  far  better  friends  to  the  negro 
than  the  poor  whites,  but  also  better  than  a majority  of 
northern  men  who  go  south  to  rent  plantations — at  least, 
they  show  more  patience  in  dealing  with  him.  The 


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northerner  is  practical,  energetic,  economical,  and  thrifty 
— the  negro  is  slow,  awkward,  wasteful,  and  slovenly ; 
he  causes  his  new  employer  to  lose  his  patience,  and  to 
seize  hold  and  attempt  to  perform,  himself,  what  he  sees 
so  badly  executed.  The  southerner  is  accustomed  to  the 
ways  of  slaves  from  his  youth  up ; hence  he  is  languidly 
and  goodnaturedlv  indifferent ; or,  at  most,  vents  his  dis- 
pleasures in  empty  fuming.  The  northern  employer  is 
accustomed  to  see  laborers  who  are  vigorous  and  in- 
dustrious ; he  knows  the  extent  of  a full  day’s  labor,  and 
he  expects  all  to  perform  the  amount ; the  southern  man 
has  always  been  compeMed  to  employ  two  or  three  to  do 
the  work  of  one,  and  is  more  indulgent.  It  is  the  almost 
universal  testimony  of  the  negroes  themselves,  who  have 
been  under  the  supervision  of  both  classes — and  I have 
talked  with  many  with  a view  to  this  point — that  they 
prefer  to  labor  for  a southern  employer.  This  is  not  by 
any  means  to  be  construed  to  mean  that  they  desire  to 
return  to  slavery — not  by  any  consideration,  for  the 
thought  of  freedom  is  dearer  to  their  hearts  than  to  any 
other  people  of  like  intelligence  in  the;  world;  but  that, 
being  once  assured  of  their  liberty  to  go  and  come  at  will, 
they  generally  return  to  the  service  of  the  southerner. 
Report  of  B.  C.  Truman  to  the  President,  Ap.  p,  1866, 
in  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  no.  43,  314th  Cong.  1st  Sess.  p.  p 

General  Grant  to  the  President 

I am  satisfied  that  the  mass  of  thinking  men  of  the 
South  accept  the  present  situation  of  affairs  in  good 
faith.  The  questions  which  have  heretofore  divided  the 
sentiment  of  the  people  of  the  two  sections — slavery  and 
state  rights,  or  the  right  of  a state  to  secede  from  the 
Union — they  regard  as  having  been  settled  forever  by 
the  highest  tribunal — arms — that  man  can  resort  to.  I 
was  pleased  to  learn  from  the  leading  men  whom  I met 
that  they  not  only  accepted  the  decision  arrived  at  as 
final,  but  now  that  the  smoke  of  battle  has  cleared  away 
and  time  has  been  given  for  reflection,  that  this  decision 
bas  been  a fortunate  one  for  the  whole  country,  they  re- 
ceiving like  benefits  from  it  with  those  who'  opposed  them 
in  the  field  and  in  council. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  63 

Four  years  of  war,  during  which  law  was  executed 
only  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  throughout  the  states  in 
rebellion,  have  left  the  people  possibly  in  a condition  not 
to  yield  that  ready  obedience  to  civil  authority  the  Ameri- 
can people  have  generally  been  in  the  habit  of  yielding. 
This  would  render  the  presence  of  small  garrisons 
throughout  those  states  necessary  until  such  time  as 
labor  returns  to  its  proper  channel,  and  civil  authority  is 
fully  established.  I did  not  meet  any  one,  either  those 
holding  places  under  the  government  or  citizens  of  the 
Southern  States,  who  think  it  practicable  to  withdraw 
the  military  from  the  South  at  present.  The  white  and 
the  black  mutually  require  the  protection  of  the  general 
government. 

There  is  such  universal  aecmiescence  in  the  authority 
of  the  general  government  throughout  the  portions  of 
country  visited  by  me,  that  the  mere  presence  of  a military 
force,  without  regard  to  numbers,  is  sufficient  to  main- 
tain order.  The  good  of  the  country,  and  economy,  re- 
quire that  the  force  kept  in  the  interior,  where  there  are 
many  freedmen,  (elsewhere  in  the  Southern  States  than 
at  forts  upon  the  seacoast  no  force  is  necessary,)  should 
all  be  white  troops.  The  reasons  for  this  are  obvious 
without  mentioning  many  of  them.  The  presence  of 
black  troops,  lately  slaves,  demoralizes  labor,  both  by 
their  advice  and  by  furnishing  in  their  camps  a resort  for 
the  freedmen  for  long  distances  around.  White  troops 
generally  excite  no  opposition,  and  therefore  a small 
number  of  them  can  maintain  order  in  a given  district. 
Colored  troops  must  be  kept  in  bodies  sufficient  to  de- 
fend themselves.  It  is  not  the  thinking  men  who  would 
use  violence  toward  any  class  of  troops  sent  among  them 
by  the  general  government,  but  the  ignorant  in  some 
places  might ; and  the  late  slave  seems  tO'  be  imbued  with 
the  idea  that  the  propertv  of  his  late  master  should,  by 
right,  belong  to  him,  or  at  least  should  have  no  pro- 
tection from  the  colored  soldier.  There  is  danger  of 
collision  being  brought  on  by  such  causes. 

My  observations  lead  me  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
citizens  of  the  Southern  States  are  anxious  to  return  to 
self-government,  within  the  Union,  as  soon  as  possible ; 
that  whilst  reconstructing  they  want  and  require  pro- 
tection from  the  government ; that  they  are  in  earnest  in 


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wishing  to  do  what  they  think  is  required  by  the  govern- 
ment. not  humiliating  to  them  as  citizens,  and  that  if 
such  a course  were  pointed  out  they  would  pursue  it  in 
good  faith.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  there  can  not  be  a 
greater  commingling,  at  this  time,  between  the  citizens 
of  the  two  sections,  and  particularly  of  those  intrusted 
with  the  lawmaking  power.  Extract  from  General  Grant’s 
letter  concerning  affairs  at  the  South,  Dec.  18,  1865,  to 
President  Johnson,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  no.  2,  39th  Cong.  1st 
Sess.  p.  106 

Chaplain  Buckley  on  destitution 

. . . There  are  but  a few  freedmen  at  this  place — 
about  60,  who  are  dependent  upon  the  government  for  sup- 
port. They  are  quite  comfortably  provided  for.  By  far  the 
greater  suffering  exists  among  the  whites.  Their  scanty 
supplies  have  been  exhausted,  and:  now  they  look  to 
government  alone  for  support.  Some  are  without  homes 
of  any  description.  This  seems  strange,  and  almost  un- 
accountable. Yet,  on  one  road  leading  to  Talladega  I 
visited  four  families,  within  15  minutes  ride  of  town,  who 
were  living  in  the  woods,  with  no  shelter  but  pine  boughs, 
and  this  in  midwinter.  Captain  Dean,  who  accompanied 
me,  assured  me  that  upon  the  other  roads  leading  into 
town  were  other  families  similarly  situated.  These 
people  have  no  homes.  They  were  widows,  with  large 
families  of  small  children.  Other  families,  as  their  pro- 
visions fail,  will  wander  in  for  supplies,  and  I am  fearful 
the  result  will  be  a camp  of  widows,  and  orphans.  If 
possible,  it  should  be  prevented ; and  yet  I saw  about  30 
persons  for  whom  shelter  must  be  provided,  or  death 
will  speedily  follow  their  present  exposure  and  suffer- 
ing. . . Report  of  Chaplain  C.  W.  Buckley,  of  the 
Freedmen’s  Bureau  in  Alabama,  Jan.  16,  1866,  in  Sen. 
Ex.  Doc.  no.  2p,  39th  Cong.  1st  Sess.  />.  77 

Pike  on  the  ruin  of  the  slaveholders 

But  usually  the  great  catastrophe  was  not  foreseen. 
Everything  went  into  Confederate  securities ; everything 
to  eat  and  everything  to  wear  was  consumed,  and  when 
the  war  suddenly  ended  there  was  nothing  left  but 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  65 


poverty  and  nakedness.  Famine  followed,  and  suffering 
beyond  computation,  the  story  of  which  has  never  been 
told.  Rich  planters’  families  subsisted  on  corn  bread 
when  they  could  get  it,  but  often  they  could  not,  and  then 
they  resorted  to  a coarse  cattle  fodder  known  as  “ cow 
peas  ”.  It  is  reported  of  the  poet  Timrod,  who  con- 
tributed his  fiery  lyrics  in  aid  of  the  rebellion — all  that  he 
had  to  give — that  he  and  his  were  saved  from  actual 
starvation,  when  they  were  at  their  last  gasp,  just  pre- 
vious to  his  death.  Others  fared  not  so  well. 

There  were  numerous  large  slaveholders  and  property- 
owners  in  and  about  Columbia  who  went  down  in  the 
general  ruin.  Some  were  immensely  wealthy;  there 
were  several  families  owning  500  and  1000  slaves  apiece. 
Many  were  proprietors  of  plantations  on  the  banks  of  the 
Mississippi.  These  plantations  were  more  or  less  mort- 
gaged. When  slavery  went ; the  mortgages  consumed 
the  rest;  and  men  enjoying  an  income  of  $100,000  a year 
on  the  opening  of  the  war  were  stripped  of  their  last  cent 
at  its  close.  An  elderly  gentleman  of  nearly  80  years, 
formerly  a rich  man,  and  president  of  a bank  of  about 
$1,000,000  capital,  was  able  by  g-reat  exertion  to  save  his 
dwelling  from  the  conflagration  in  Columbia.  It  was  all 
he  preserved  from  the  wreck  of  his  fortunes.  Happily  he 
was  a lover  of  flowers,  and  had  a large  greenhouse  in  his 
gardens.  In  his  stripped  condition,  he  resorted  to  it  for 
support ; and  today  he  lives  by  personally  growing  flowers 
for  sale,  which  he  does  with  a cheerful  assiduity  that 
gilds  his  misfortunes,  and  lends  even  a pleasing  glow  to 
the  evening  of  his  life.  Old  Wade  Hampton,  of  Revolu- 
tionary memory,  who  won  his  spurs  at  the  battle  of  Eutaw 
Springs,  and  was  an  aide-de-camp  of  General  Washington, 
was  a resident  of  Columbia  and  owned  large  vast  estates. 
He  and  his  family  were  the  grandees  of  their  county  for 
all  these  subsequent  generations.  They  numbered  their 
slaves  by  the  thousand  when  the  Avar  began,  and  had 
large  plantations  in  other  states.  The  family  is  now 
broken  and  scattered.  The  great  old  family  mansion  and 
extensive  grounds  filled  Avith  rare  exotics,  the  abode  of 
luxurious  hospitality  for  70  years,  has,  since  the  war, 
been  haunted  by  ghosts,  and  now,  dilapidated  and  falling 
into  decay,  passes  into  the  hands  of  strangers.  In  the 
vicinity  lived  a gentleman  Avhose  income  Avhen  the  war 
5 


66 


l-IOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


broke  out,  was  rated  at  $150,000  a year.  He  was  not  only 
a victim  to  the  general  ruin,  but  peculiar  circumstances 
added  to  his  misfortunes.  Not  a vestige  of  his  whole  vast 
■property  of  millions  remains  today.  Not  far  distant  were 
the  estates  of  a large  proprietor  and  a well  known  family, 
rich  and  distinguished  for  generations.  The  slaves  are 
gone.  The  family  is  gone.  A single  scion  of  the  house 
remains,  and  he  peddles  tea  by  the  pound,  and  molasses 
hv  the  quart,  on  a corner  of  the  old  homestead,  to  the 
former  slaves  of  the  family,  and  thereby  earns  his 
livelihood.  Pike,  Prostrate  State,  />.  1 17-19 

Increasing  death  rate  of  the  blacks 

By  the  late  mortuary  returns  it  appears  that  during  the 
year  1865  there  were  in  the  city  cemeteries  1618  inter- 
ments; 614  whites  and  1004  blacks.  In  1864  the  white 
burials  were  636,  blacks  293,  thus  showing  that  during 
the  last  year  the  mortality  among  -the  blacks  has  increased 
over  the  12  months  previous  very  near  400%  and  whereas 
the  white  deaths  were  about  two  to-  one  of  the  blacks, 
that  proportion  has  now  been  reversed  . . . Corres- 
pondence of  the  National  Intelligencer , Jan.  1866,  from 
Augusta  Ga.  in  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  no.  27 , 79th  Cong.  1st  Scss. 
p.  99 

Condition  of  the  blacks  in  1866 

Emancipation  is  a fact.  I have  sworn  to  support  it, 
and  I shall  keep  my  oath.  Sambo  is  a free  man  by  force 
of  presidential  proclamation.  But  it  is  not  unlawful  to  see 
certain  evils  of  emancipation  which  call  for  the  active 
interposition  of  the  philanthropists.  Sambo  will  flog  his 
child  unmercifully,  and  Sally  will  neglect  it  in  sickness, 
and  so  between  paternal  action  and  maternal  nonaction 
little  Cuffy  has  a “ hard  road  to  travel  ” for  21  years  of 
his  infancy — a terrible  preparatory  training  for  the  bliss 
of  being  “ free  to  starve.” 

The  stupendous  wrong  and  folly  consists  in  taking  a 
poor,  ignorant,  childlike  race  from  under  the  fostering 
care  of  a patriarchal  government  and  withdrawing  from 
it  the  protection  of  interest.  . . 

. . . The  Christmas  holidays  here  are  cold,  rainy, 
cheerless.  The  heart  of  the  South  is  beginning  to  sink  in 
despair.  The  streets  are  full  of  negroes,  who  refuse  to 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-/6  67 


make  contracts  to  labor  the  next  year.  The  short  crop  of 
1866  causes  much  dissatisfaction.  They  will  not  engage 
to  work  for  anything  but  wages,  and  few  are  able  to  pay 
wages.  They  are  penniless  but  resolute  in  their  demands. 
They  expect  to  see  the  land  all  divided  out  equally  be- 
tween them  and  their  old  masters,  in  time  to  make  the 
next  crop.  One  of  the  most  intelligent  black  men  I know 
told  me  this  day  that  in  a neighboring  village  where  sev- 
eral hundred  negroes  were  congregated,  he  does  not  think 
that  as  many  as  three  made  contracts,  although  tne  plant- 
ers are  urgent  in  their  solicitations,  and  offering  the 
highest  prices  for  labor  they  can  possibly  afford  to  pay. 
The  same  man  informed  me  that  the  impression  widely 
prevails  that  Congress  is  about  to  divide  out  the  lands, 
and  that  this  impression  is  given  out  by  Federal  soldiers 
at  the  nearest  military  station.  It  cannot  be  disguised 
that  in  spite  of  the  most  earnest  efforts  of  their  old  master 
to  conciliate  and  satisfy  them,  the  estrangement  between 
the  races  increases  in  its  extent  and  bitterness.  Nearly 
all  the  negro  men  are  armed  with  repeaters  and  many  of 
them  carry  them  openly,  day  and  night.  The  status  is 
most  unsatisfactory,  and  really  full  of  just  apprehensions 
of  the  direst  results.  The  negro  children  are  growing  up 
in  ignorance  and  vice.  The  older  ones,  men  and  women, 
abandon  themselves  to  dissipation  of  the  lowest  sort. 
Their  schools,  “ so  called,”  are  simply  a farce.  Letter 
of  IV.  F.  Samford  quoted  by  George  Petrie  in  Trans- 
actions of  Ala.  Hist.  Soc.  v.  4 

Freedmen’s  Bureau 

1 General  Grant  to  President  Johnson. 

2 Statement  of  Chaplain  Conway. 

3 Governor  Patton’s  address. 

3 Testimony  of  John  T.  Pierce. 

4 Testimony  of  Sayre. 

5 Testimony  of  General  Wright. 

6 Printed  on  cover  of  Freedmen’s  Savings  Bank  Book. 

Report  of  General  Grant  to  President  Johnson 

I did  not  give  the  operations  of  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau 
that  attention  I would  have  done  if  more  time  had  been  at 


68 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


my  disposal.  Conversations  on  the  subject,  however,  with 
officers  connected  with  the  bureau  lead  me  to  think  that 
in  some  of  the  states  its  affairs  have  not  been  conducted 
with  good  judgment  or  economy,  and  that  the  belief, 
widely  spread  among  the  freedmen  of  the  Southern 
States,  that  the  lands  of  their  former  owners  will,  at 
least  in  part,  be  divided  among  them,  has  come  from  the 
agents  of  this  bureau.  This  belief  is  seriously  interfering 
with  the  willingness  of  the  freedmen  to  make  contracts 
for  the  coming  year.  In  some  form  the  Freedmen’s 
Bureau  is  an  absolute  necessity  until  civil  law  is  estab- 
lished and  enforced,  securing  to  the  freedmen  their  rights 
and  full  protection.  At  present,  however,  it  is  independent 
of  the  military  establishment  of  the  country,  and  seems 
to  be  operated  by  the  different  agents  of  the  bureau  ac- 
cording to  their  individual  notions.  Everywhere  General 
Howard,  the  able  head  of  the  bureau,  made  friends  by 
the  just  and  fair  instructions  and  advice  he  gave;  but 
the  complaint  in  South  Carolina  was,  that  when  he  left 
things  went  on  as  before.  Many,  perhaps  a majority,  of 
the  agents  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  advise  the  freed- 
men that  by  their  own  industry  they  must  expect  to  live. 
To  this  end  they  endeavor  to  secure  employment  for  them, 
and  to  see  that  both  contracting  parties  comply  with  their 
engagements.  In  some  instances,  I am  sorry  to  say,  the 
freedman’s  mind  does  not  seem  to  be  disabused  of  the 
idea  that  a freedman  has  the  right  to  live  without  care 
or  provision  for  the  future.  The  effect  of  the  belief  in 
division  of  lands  is  idleness  and  accumulation  in  camps, 
towns  and  cities.  In  such  cases  I think  it  will  be  found 
that  vice  and  disease  will  tend  to  the  extermination,  or 
great  reduction  of  the  colored  race.  It  can  not  be  expected 
that  the  opinions  held  by  men  at  the  South  for  years  can 
be  changed  in  a day ; and  therefore  the  freedmen  require 
for  a few  years  not  only  laws  to  protect  them,  but  the 
fostering  care  of  those  who  will  give  them  good  counsel, 
and  on  whom  they  can  rely. 

The  Freedmen’s  Bureau,  being  separated  from  the  mili- 
tary establishment  of  the  country,  requires  all  the  expense 
of  a separate  organization.  One  does  not  necessarily 
know  what  the  other  is  doing,  or  what  orders  they  are  act- 
ing under.  It  seems  to  me  this  could  be  corrected  by 
regarding  every  officer  on  duty  with  troops  in  the  South- 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  69 


ern  States  as  agents  of  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau,  and  then 
have  all  orders  from  the  head  of  the  bureau  sent  through 
department  commanders.  This  would  create  a responsi- 
bility that  would  secure  uniformity  of  action  throughout 
all  the  South ; would  insure  the  orders  and  instructions 
from  the  head  of  the  bureau  being  carried  out ; and  would 
relieve  from  duty  and  pay  a large  number  of  employees 
of  the  government.  Sen  Ex.  Doc.  no.  2,  39th  Cong.  1st 
Scss.;  McPherson,  History  of  Reconstruction,  p.  68 


Testimony  of  Chaplain  T.  W.  Conway,  ex-Assistant 
Commissioner  for  Louisiana 

T should  expect  in  Louisiana,  as  in  the  whole  southern 
country,  that  the  withdrawal  of  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau 
would  be  followed  by  a condition  of  anarchy  and  blood- 
shed, and  I say  that  much  in  the  light  of  as  large  an  ex- 
perience upon  the  subject  as  any  man  in  the  country.  I 
have  been  in  the  army  since  the  19th  of  April  1861 ; I 
have  been  over  the  whole  country,  almost  from  Baltimore 
to  the  Gulf.  I was  one  of  the  first  who  held  any  official 
position  in  regard  to  the  freedmen,  and  I am  pained  at  the 
conviction  J have  in  my  own  mind  that  if  the  Freedmen’s 
Bureau  is  withdrawn  the  result  will  be  fearful  in  the  ex- 
treme. What  it  has  already  done  and  is  now  doing  in 
shielding  these  people,  only  incites  the  bitterness  of  their 
foes.  They  will  be  murdered  by  wholesale,  and  they  in 
their  turn  will  defend  themselves.  It  will  not  be  persecu- 
tion merely;  it  will  be  slaughter;  and  I doubt  whether  the 
world  has  ever  known  the  like.  These  southern  rebels, 
when  the  power  is  once  in  their  hands,  will  stop  at  noth- 
ing short  of  extermination.  Governor  Wells  himself  told 
me  that  he  expected  in  10  years  to  see  the  whole  colored 
race  exterminated,  and  that  conviction  is  shared  very 
largely  among  the  white  people  of  the  South.  It  has 
been  threatened  by  leading  men  there  that  they  would 
exterminate  the  freedmen.  They  have  said  so  in  my 
hearing.  In  reply  I said  that  they  could  not  drive  the 
freedmen  out  of  the  nation,  because,  in  the  first  place, 
they  would  not  go;  and  for  another  reason,  that  they  had 
no  authority  to  drive  them  out ; and  for  a third  reason, 
that  they  were  wanted  in  the  South  as  laborers.  To  that 


70 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


they  replied,  that,  if  necessary,  they  would  get  their 
laborers  from  Europe;  that  white  laborers  would  be 
more  agreeable  to  them ; that  the  negro  must  be 
gotten  rid  of  in  some  way,  and  that,  too,  as  speedily  as 
possible.  I have  heard  it  so  many  times,  and  from  so 
many  different  quarters,  that  I believe  it  is  a fixed  deter- 
mination, and  that  they  are  looking  anxiously  to  the  ex- 
termination of  the  whole  negro  race  from  the  country. 
There  is  an  agent  here  now,  with  letters  from  the  gover- 
nor of  Louisiana  to  parties  in  New  York,  with  a view 
of  entering  at  once  upon  negotiations  to  secure  laborers 
from  various  parts  of  Europe.  There  are  other  parties 
endeavoring  to  get  coolies  into  the  South,  and  in  various, 
places  there  are  immense  efforts  to  obtain  white  labor  to 
supplant  that  of  the  negro.  It  is  a part  of  the  immense 
and  desperate  programme  which  they  have  adopted  and 
expect  to  carry  out  within  the  next  io  years.  It  is  the 
same  determination  to  which  I referred  in  my  report.  I 
said  the  negro  race  would  be  exterminated  unless  pro- 
tected by  the  strong  arm  of  the  government ; no  weak 
arm  will  clo.  The  strongest  arm  of  the  government  is 
needed  to  shield  them.  The  wicked  work  has  already 
commenced,  and  it  could  be  shown  that  the  policy  pursued 
by  the  government  is  construed  bv  the  rebels  as  not  being 
opposed  to  it.  Report  of  Joint  Committee  on  Reconstruc- 
tion ( 1866 ),  pt  4,  p.  82 


Governor  Patton’s  address  to  the  people  of  Alabama 

We  all  know  of  the  great  destitution  in  our  state 
which  followed  the  close  of  the  war.  The  crop  of  1865, 
from  well  known  causes,  was  lamentably  short,  and 
this  naturally  prolonged  the  destitution  through  the 
year  1866.  There  was  so  much  suffering  that  it  be- 
came a matter  of  absolute  necessity  to  adopt  some 
plan  of  relief.  It  is  but  simple  justice  to  say  that  in 
our  extreme  destitution  we  found  most  timely  relief 
at  the  hands  of  the  general  government.  In  the  course 
of  the  years  1866  and  1867  supplies  were  furnished 
from  that  source  to  the  value  of  more  than  a million 
of  dollars.  In  addition  to  this  relief,  large  and  gen- 
erous donations  in  money  and  provisions  were  made 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-/6  Jl 

by  individuals  and  charitable  associations.  These 
donations  were  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  governor, 
and  distributed  according  to  his  best  discretion.  Kuklux 
Rep’t , p.  216 

Testimony  of  John  G.  Pierce 

I can  tell  you  from  what  I know  and  have  seen 
myself,  and  also  from  what  negroes  have  told  me, 
that  they  have  been  promised  lands  and  mules — 40 
acres  of  land  and  a mule  . . . Many  an  old  negro 
has  come  to  me  and  asked  me  about  that  thing.  I 
can  illustrate  it  by  one  little  thing  that- I saw  on  a 
visit  once  to  Gainesville,  Sumter  co.  At  a barbecue 
there  I saw  a man  who  was  making  a speech  to  the 
negroes,  telling  them  what  good  he  had  done  for  them ; 
that  he  had  been  to  Washington  city  and  had  pro- 
cured from  one  of  the  departments  here  certain  pegs. 
I saw  the  pegs.  He  had  about  two  dozen  on  his  arm ; 
they  were  painted  red  and  blue.  He  said  that  those 
pegs  he  had  obtained  from  here  at  a great  expense 
to  himself ; that  they  had  been  made  by  the  govern- 
ment for  the  purpose  of  staking  out  the  negroes  40 
acres.  He  told  the  negroes  that  all  he  wanted  was 
to  have  the  expenses  paid  to  him,  which  was  about  a 
dollar  a peg.  He  told  them  that  they  could  stick  one 
peg  down  at  a corner,  then  walk  so  far  one  wav  and 
stick  another  down,  then  walk  so  far  another  way 
and  stick  another  down,  till  they  had  got  the  four 
pegs  down  ; and  that,  when  the  four  pegs  were  down, 
the  negroes'  40  acres  would  be  included  in  that  area ; 
and  all  he  had  to  say  to  them  was,  that  they  could 
stick  those  pegs  anywhere  they  pleased — on  any- 
body’s land  they  wanted  to,  but  not  to  interfere  with 
each  other ; and  he  would  advise  them,  in  selecting 
the  40  acres,  to  take  half  woodland  and  half  clear ; 
that  nobody  would  dare  to  interfere  with  those  pegs. 
Kuklux  Rep’t,  Alabama  Testimony,  p.  314. 

Testimony  of  Mr  Sayre 

When  the  agents  first  came  there,  after  the  occupa- 
tion of  the  country  by  General  Smith’s  army  . . . 
they  established  a Freedman’s  Bureau.  They  notified 


72 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


everybody  that  they  must  employ  their  freedmen,  and 
that  all  their  contracts  must  be  submitted  to  the 
inspection  of  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau ; that  no  man 
would  be  allowed  to  employ  freedmen  unless  their 
contracts  were  submitted  to  and  approved  by  that 
bureau  . . . they  listened  to  every  sort  of  tale  that 
any  dissatisfied  negro  might  choose  to  tell ; they 
would  send  out  and  arrest  white  men,  bring  them  in 
under  guard,  try  them,  and  put  them  in  jail.  They 
got  hold  of  plantations  . . . what  they  call  refuges 
for  freedmen.  It  was  announced  that  if  the  freedmen 
got  dissatisfied  they  could  enter  there,  and  be  fed  and 
clothed,  and  taken  care  of.  In  that  way  a large  num- 
ber of  negroes  were  enticed  away  from  plantations 
where  they  had  been  living,  and  they  flocked  to  these 
places.  Hundreds  of  them  died  from  neglect.  The 
impression  was  produced  upon  the  negro  that  the 
white  man  who  had  been  his  master  was  his  enemy, 
and  that  these  men  were  his  peculiar  friends ; that 
they  had  nothing  to  expect  from  and  through  their 
old  masters.  They  then  commenced  the  establishment 
of  these  Loyal  Leagues,  into  which  they  got  al- 
most every  negro  in  the  country.  They  would  send 
their  agents  . . . from  plantation  to  plantation, 
until  I expect  there  was  hardly  a negro  in  the  whole 
country  who  did  not  belong  to  the  league.  In  that 
way  a want  of  confidence  was  produced  between  the 
negro  and  the  white  man,  and  a feeling  of  confidence 
between  the  negro  and  the  agents  of  this  bureau.  It 
has  been  a very  troublesome  thing  to  counteract  that ; 
but  it  has  been  so  far  counteracted  now  that  the  negro 
has  confidence  in  the  white  man  in  everything  but 
politics ; I do  not  think  he  has  much  confidence  in  the 
white  man  about  politics  yet,  but  I think  that  feeling 
is  done  away  with  to  a great  extent.  They  would  tell 
all  sorts  of  tales  before  elections ; they  would  send 
regular  orders  to  the  league  members  on  the  planta- 
tions to  go  and  vote.  I have  been  told  that  order  ex- 
tended to  negroes  from  15  years  and  upwards. 
Negroes  themselves  have  told  me  that  they  voted  the 
Republican  ticket  for  the  reason  that  they  were  in- 
formed by  those  men  that,  if  they  did  not  do  it,  they 
would  be  put  back  into  slavery,  and  their  wives  made 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  73 

to  work  on  the  road.  It  had  such  an  effect  that  a 
gentleman  in  Montgomery  told  me  that  some  of  his 
own  former  slaves  came  hack  to  him  after  the  elec- 
tion and  said,  “ Well,  massa,  what  house  must  I go  into? 
1 understand  that  the  Democrats  have  succeeded,  and 
that  we  are  slaves  again.”  Kuklux  Rep’t,  Alabama  Tes- 
timony, p.  35/ 

Testimony  of  General  Wright  of  Augusta 

[The  negroes]  were  taken  possession  of  by  a class  of 
men  who  went  down  there  connected  in  some  way 
with  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau  ; they  swarmed  all  over 
the  country.  The  white  people  were  sore,  intensely 
sore,  at  the  results  of  the  war,  at  losing  their  slaves, 
and  they  shrank  back  and  had  nothing  to  say  to  the 
negroes.  That  course  of  conduct  on  their  part  enabled 
these  men  to  go  on  and  obtain  the  confidence  of  the 
negroes;  they  made  the  negroes  believe  that  unless 
they  banded  themselves  together  and  stood  up  for 
their  rights,  the  white  people  would  put  them  back 
into  slavery.  But  the  reign  of  that  class  of  people  in 
our  state  is  over — past  and  gone.  These  men  came 
there  and  fastened  themselves  upon  every  community, 
and  when  the  election  for  members  of  the  Legislature 
came  on  they  were  themselves  elected.  I can  give 
you  an  instance  right  there,  within  a stone’s  throw  of 
where  I live,  of  a man  by  the  name  of  Captain  Rich- 
ardson, who  went  down  there  in  the  bureau.  He  lived 
in  Augusta,  and  was  elected  a member  of  the  Legisla- 
ture from  the  county  of  Hancock,  way  up  in  the  in- 
terior of  the  state ; he  perhaps  never  was  in  that 
county  in  his  life.  There  was  a man  by  the  name  of  J. 
Mason  Rice,  who  came  out  in  the  bureau,  and  lived 
in  Augusta ; he  was  elected  a representative  of  the 
county  of  Columbia.  A man  of  the  name  of  Sherman 
came  down  there,  not  in  the  bureau,  but  as  a de- 
veloper. Hfe  bought  a piece  of  land  near  Augusta,  and 
worked  it  for  a while,  and  then  had  to  give  it  up.  He 
ran  for  the  place  of  senator  in  the  district  composed 
of  Wilkes,  Jackson  and  Columbia.  Wilkes  is  the 
county  in  which  Toombs  lives.  This  man  ran  for 
senator,  and  was  elected  there.  There  was  Rice, 


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elected  as  a member  from  Columbia  county,  and  never 
was  in  it ; Richardson  was  elected  as  a member  from 
Hancock  county,  and  he  never  was  in  that  county ; 
and  Sherman  was  elected  as  senator  from  "Wilkes,  Lin- 
coln and  Columbia  counties,  and  so  far  as  I know,  he 
has  never  been  in  either  one  of  them.  A man  by  the 
name  of  Claiborn.  a Baltimore  negro,  came  down  to 
Augusta  with  the  bureau,  and  was  elected  a member 
of  the  Legislature  from  Burke  county.  He  served 
until  a few  months  before  the  close  of  the  Legislature, 
when  he  was  killed  by  a negro  in  the  capital. 

Question.  Does  your  law  require  the  representative  to 
live  in  the  county  he  claims  to  represent? 

Anssoer.  Yes,  sir;  but  the  Republicans  had  a majority 
there,  and  they  permitted  any  one  to  take  his  seat  who 
had  the  returns : and  when  they  really  did  not  get  a 
majority  of  the  votes,  Mr  Hulburt,  who  was  the  head 
man  of  the  registration,  fixed  up  the  votes,  cooked 
them  up  for  them,  and  they  were  admitted.  We  were 
entirely  powerless  there.  Up  to  the  latter  part  of 
1S68  the  negroes  believed  that  by  voting  they  were 
going  to  get  a division  of  the  land  and  stock  of  the 
country.  These  carpetbagg'ers  would  go  down  there 
and  actually  sell  stakes  to  them.  That  is  almost  too 
improbable  for  belief ; but  these  rascals  would  go 
down  there  and  sell  painted  stakes  to  these  negroes, 
and  tell  them  that  all  they  had  to  do  was  to  put  down 
the  stakes  on  their  owner's  farms,  and  40  acres  of 
land  would  be  theirs  after  election.  You  could  see 
them  all  over  the  country.  The  negroes  said  they 
gave  a dollar  apiece  for  those  stakes.  They  were  very 
ignorant,  or  they  would  not  have  believed  such  things ; 
but  they  did  believe  it,  and,  I have  no  doubt,  im- 
plicitly. Kuklv.x  Rcp’t,  Georgia  Testimony,  />.  272 

Printed  on  the  cover  of  the  Frecdmen’s  Savings  Bank 

hook 

“ I consider  the  Freedmen's  Savings  and  Trust  Com- 
panv  to  be  greatly  needed  by  the  colored  people,  and  have 
welcomed  it  as  an  auxiliary  to  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau." 
Maj.  Gen.  O.  O.  Hoioard 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  75 

'Tis  little  by  little  the  bee  fills  her  cell; 

And  little  by  little  a man  sinks  a well; 

'Tis  little  by  little  a bird  builds  her  nest; 

By  littles  a forest  in  verdure  is  drest; 

'Tis  little  by  little  great  volumes  are  made; 

By  littles  a mountain  or  levels  are  made; 

'Tis  little  by  little  an  ocean  is  filled; 

And  little  by  little  a city  we  build; 

'Tis  little  by  little  an  ant  gets  her  store; 

Evert,-  little  we  add  to  a little  makes  more; 

Step  by  step  we  walk  miles  and  we  sew  stitch  by  stitch ; 
Word  by  word  we  read  books,  cent  by  cent  we  grow-  rich. 

This  is  a benevolent  institution.  All  profits  go  to  the 
depositors,  or  to  educational  purposes  for  the  freedmen 
and  their  descendants. 

The  whole  institution  is  under  the  charter  of  Congress, 
and  received  the  commendation  and  countenance  of  the 
President.  Abraham  Lincoln.  One  of  the  last  official  acts 
of  his  valued  life  was  the  signing  of  the  bill  which  gave 
legal  existence  to  this  bank.  House  Misc.  Doc.  no.  16. 
43d  Cong.  2d  S ess.  p.  8j 

Specimen  black  laws 

1 Definition  of  "persons  of  color”  (Tennessee). 

2 A Louisiana  town  ordinance. 

3 Certain  things  forbidden  to  freedmen  s in  Florida). 

4 Intermarriage  of  races  prohibited  i Alabama) . 

:c  Persons  of  color  ’’ 

An  act  to  define  the  term  " persons  of  color.”  and  to 
declare  the  rights  of  such  persons.  [Passed  Mav 
26,  1866] 

§ 1 Be  it  enacted  by  the  General  Assembly  of  the 
state  of  Tennessee,  that  all  negroes,  mulattoes.  mesti- 
zoes. and  their  descendants,  having  any  African  blood 
in  their  veins,  shall  be  known  in  this  state  as  “ persons 
of  color.” 

§ 2 . . . persons  of  color  have  the  right  to  make 
and  enforce  contracts,  to  sue  and  be  sued,  to  be  parties 
and  give  evidence,  to  inherit  and  to  have  full  and  equal 
benefits  of  all  laws  and  proceedings  for  the  security 
of  person  and  estate,  and'  shall  not  be  subject  to  any 


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other  or  different  punishment,  pains  or  penalty  for  the 
commission  of  any  act  or  offense  than  such  as  are  pre- 
scribed for  white  persons  committing  like  acts  or 
offenses. 

§ 3 . . . All  persons  of  color  being  blind,  deaf  and 
dumb,  lunatics,  paupers  or  apprentices,  shall  have  the 
full  and  perfect  benefit  and  application  of  all  laws 
regulating  and  providing  for  white  persons  being 
blind  or  deaf  and  dumb  or  lunatics  or  paupers,  or 
either  (in  asylums  for  their  benefit),  and  apprentices. 

§ 4 . . . Provided,  that  nothing  in  this  act  shall 
be  so  construed  as  to  admit  persons  of  color  to  serve 
on  the  jury;  And  provided  further,  that  the  provisions 
of  this  act  shall  not  be  so  construed  as  to  require  the 
education  of  colored  and  white  children  in  the  same 
school. 

§ 5 . . .all  free  persons  of  color  who  were  living 
together  as  husband  and  wife  in  this  state,  while  in  a 
state  of  slavery,  are  hereby  decided  to  be  man  and 
wife,  and  their  children  legitimately  entitled  to  an 
inheritance  in  any  property  herebefore  acquired,  or 
that  may  hereafter  be  acquired  by  said  parents,  to  as 
full  an  extent  as  the  children  of  white  citizens  are  now 
entitled  by  the  existing  laws  of  this  state.  Lazos  of 
Tennessee  {1865-66),  p.  65,  ch.  40 

Opelousas  town  ordinance 

Ordinance  relative  to  the  police  of  recently  emanci- 
pated negroes  or  freedmen  within  the  corporate 
limits  of  the  town  of  Onelousas  [Louisiana]. 
[July  3,  1865] 

Whereas,  the  relations  formerly  subsisting  between 
master  and  slave  have  become  changed  by  the  action 
of  the  controlling  authorities;  and,  whereas,  it  is 
necessary  to  provide  for  the  proper  police  and  govern- 
ment of  the  recently  emancipated  negroes  or  freedmen 
in  their  new  relations  to  the  municipal  authorities  : 

§ 1 Be  it  therefore  ordained  by  the  board  of  police 
of  the  town  of  Opelousas,  that  no  negro  or  freedman 
shall  be  allowed  to  come  within  the  limits  of  the  town 
of  Opelousas  without  special  permission  from  his  em- 
ployers, specifying  the  object  of  his  visit  and  the  time 
necessary  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  same.  Who- 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  77 


ever  shall  violate  this  provision  shall  suffer  imprison- 
ment and  two  days  work  on  the  public  streets,  or 
shall  pay  a fine  of  two  dollars  and  fifty  cents. 

§ 2 Be  it  further  ordained,  that  every  negro  freedman 
who  shall  be  found  on  the  streets  of  Opelousas  after 
10  o'clock  at  night  without  a written  pass  or  permit 
from  his  employer  shall  be  imprisoned  and  compelled 
to  work  five  days  on  the  public  streets,  or  pay  a fine 
of  five  dollars. 

§ 3 No  negro  or  freedman  shall  be  permitted  to  rent 
or  keep  a house  within  the  limits  of  the  town  under 
any  circumstances,  and  any  one  thus  offending  shall 
be  ejected  and  compelled  to  find  an  employer  or  leave 
the  town  within  24  hours.  The  lessor  or  furnisher  of 
the  house  leased  or  kept  as  above  shall  pay  a fine  of 
$10  for  each  offense. 

§ 4 No  negro  or  freedman  shall  reside  within  the 
limits  of  the  town  of  Opelousas  who  is  not  in  the  regu- 
lar service  of  some  white  person  or  former  owner,  who 
shall  be  held  responsible  for  the  conduct  of  said  freed- 
man ; but  said  employer  or  former  owner  may  permit 
said  freedman  to  hire  his  time  by  special  permission 
in  writing,  which  permission  shall  not  extend  over  24 
hours  at  any  one  time.  Any  one  violating  the  provi- 
sions of  this  section  shall  be  imprisoned  and  forced  to 
work  for  two  days  on  the  public  streets. 

§ 5 No  public  meetings  or  congregations  of  negroes 
or  freedmen  shall  be  allowed  within  the  limits  of  the 
town  of  Opelousas  under  any  circumstances  or  for 
any  purpose  without  the  permission  of  the  mayor  or 
president  of  the  board.  This  prohibition  is  not  in- 
tended, however,  to  prevent  the  freedmen  from  attend- 
ing the  usual  church  services  conducted  by  established 
ministers  of  religion.  Every  freedman  violating  this 
law  shall  be  imprisoned  and  made  to  work  five  days 
on  the  public  streets. 

§ 6 No  negro  or  freedman  shall  be  permitted  to 
preach,  exhort,  or  otherwise  declaim  to  congregations 
of  colored  people  without  a special  permission  from 
the  mayTor  or  president  of  the  board  of  police,  under 
the  penalty  of  a fine  of  $10  or  20  days  work  on  the 
public  streets. 

§ 7 No  freedman  who  is  not  in  the  military  service 


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shall  be  allowed  to  carry  firearms,  or  any  kind  of 
weapons,  within  the  limits  of  the  town  of  Opelousas 
without  the  special  permission  of  his  employer,  in 
writing,  and  approved  by  the  mayor  or  president  of  the 
board  of  police.  Any  one  thus  offending  shall  forfeit 
his  weapons  and  shall  be  imprisoned  and  made  to 
work  for  five  days  on  the  public  streets  or  pay  a fine 
of  five  dollars  in  lieu  of  said  work. 

§ 8 No  freedman  shall  sell,  barter,  or  exchange  any 
articles  of  merchandise  or  traffic  within  the  limits  of 
Opelousas  without  permission  in  writing  from  his 
employer  or  the  mayor  or  president  of  the  board, 
under  the  penalty  of  the  forfeiture  of  said  articles  and 
imprisonment  and  one  day’s  labor,  or  a fine  of  one 
dollar  in  lieu  of  said  work. 

§ 9 Any  freedman  found  drunk  within  the  limits  of 
the  town  shall  be  imprisoned  and  made  to  labor  five 
days  on  the  public  streets  or  pay  five  dollars  in  lieu  of 
said  work. 

§io  Any  freedman  not  residing  in  Opelousas  who 
shall  be  found  within  the  corporate  limits  after  the 
hour  of  3 p.  m.  on  Sunday  without  a special  permis- 
sion from  his  employer  or  the  mayor  shall  be  arrested 
and  imprisoned  and  made  to  work  two  days  on  the 
public  streets,  or  pay  two  dollars  in  lieu  of  said  work. 

§ 1 1 All  the  foregoing  provisions  apply  to  freedmen 
and  freedwomen,  or  both  sexes. 

§ 12  It  shall  be  the  special  duty  of  the  mayor  or 
president  of  the  board  to  see  that  all  the  provisions  of 
this  ordinance  are  faithfully  executed. 

§ 13  Be  it  further  ordained,  that  this  ordinance  to 
take  effect  from  and  after  its  first  publication.  Sen.  Ex. 
Doc.  no.  2,  39th  Cong.  1st  Sess.  p.  92 

Rights  of  freedmen  limited  in  Florida 

§ 12  . . .it  shall  not  be  lawful  for  any  negro,  mu- 
latto, or  other  person  of  color,  to  own,  use,  or  keep  in 
his  possession,  or  under  his  control,  any  bowie  knife, 
dirk,  sword,  firearms,  or  ammunition  of  any  kind, 
unless  he  first  obtain  a license  to  do  so  from  the  judge 
of  probate  of  the  county  in  which  he  may  be  a resident 
for  the  time  being;  and  the  said  judge  of  probate  is 
hereby  authorized  to  issue  such  license  upon  the 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  79 

recommendation  of  two  respectable  citizens  of  the 
county,  certifying  to  the  peaceful  and  orderly  charac- 
ter of  the  applicant ; and  any  negro,  mulatto,  or  other 
person  of  color  so  offending,  shall  be  deemed  to  be 
guilty  of  a misdemeanor,  and  upon  conviction  thereof 
shall  forfeit  to  the  use  of  the  informer  all  such  firearms 
and  ammunition,  and,  in  addition  thereto,  shall  be 
sentenced  to  stand  in  the  pillory  for  one  hour,  or  be 
whipped,  not  exceeding  39  stripes,  or  both,  at  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  jury. 

§ 14  . . .if  any  negro,  mulatto,  or  other  person  of 
color  shall  intrude  himself  into  any  religious  or  other 
public  assembly  of  white  persons,  or  into  any  railroad 
car  or  other  public  vehicle  set  apart  for  the  exclusive 
accommodation  of  white  people,  he  shall  be  deemed 
to  be  guilty  of  a misdemeanor,  and  upon  conviction 
shall  be  sentenced  to  stand  in  the  pillory  one  hour,  or 
be  whipped  not  exceeding  39  stripes,  or  both,  at  the 
discretion  of  the  jury;  nor  shall  it  be  lawful  for  any 
white  person  to  intrude  himself  into  any  religious  or 
other  public  assembly  of  colored  persons,  or  into  any 
railroad  or  other  public  vehicle  set  apart  for  the  ex- 
clusive accommodation  of  persons  of  color,  under  the 
same  penalties.  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  no.  6,  39th  Cong.  1st 
Scss.  p.  174 


Intermarriage  of  races  forbidden 

§ 61  Marriages  between  white  persons  arid  negroes. 
If  any  white  person  and  any  negro,  or  the  descendant 
of  any  negro,  to  the  third  generation,  inclusive,  though 
one  ancestor  of  each  generation  be  a white  person, 
intermarry,  or  live  in  adultery  or  fornication  with  each 
other,  each  of  them  must,  on  conviction,  be  imprisoned 
in  the  penitentiary,  or  sentenced  to  hard  labor  for  the 
county,  for  not  less  than  two,  nor  more  than  seven 
years. 

§ 62  Same;  officer  issuing  license,  or  performing 
marriage  ceremony.  Any  probate  judge,  who  issues 
a license  for  the  marriage  of  any  persons  who  are  pro- 
hibited by  the  last  preceding  section  from  intermarry- 
ing, knowing  that  they  are  within  the  provisions  of 
that  section;  and  any  justice  of  the  peace,  minister  of 
the  gospel  or  . other  person  by  law  authorized  to 


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solemnize  the  rights  of  matrimony,  who  performs  a 
marriage  ceremony  for  such  persons,  knowing  that 
they  are  within  the  provisions  of  said  section,  must 
each,  on  conviction,  be  fined  not  less  than  $100,  nor 
more  than  $1000,  and  may  also  be  imprisoned  in  the 
county  jail,  or  sentenced  to  hard  labor  for  the  county, 
for  not  less  than  six  months.  Penal  code  of  Alabama 
( 1866 ),  p.  31 

Union  League  methods 

1 Loyal  League  dialogue. 

2 Treatment  of  negro  bolters. 

Loyal  League  catechism 

The  position  of  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties 

A DIALOGUE  BETWEEN  A WHITE  REPUBLICAN  AND  A COLORED  CITIZEN, 

PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNION  REPUBLICAN  CONGRESSIONAL  COMMIT- 
TEE, WASHINGTON  D.  C. 

The  following-  is  a dialogue  between  a newly  en- 
franchised freedman  and  a sound  Radical  Republican. 
The  new  made  voter  is  seeking  light  upon  the  subject 
of  his  political  duties,  and  his  Radical  friend  gives  him 
plain  facts,  and  demonstrates  clearly  with  which  party 
he  and  all  like  him  should  act.  It  would  be  well  for 
colored  voters  generally  to  seek  out  some  tried  Radical 
friend  and  question  him  upon  all  subjects  about  which 
they  have  no  doubt.  The  dialogue  is  submitted  with 
the  hope  that  the  facts  set  forth  therein  will  remove 
doubts  from  the  minds  of  many  who  have  been  unable 
to  receive  proper  information  upon  the  position  in 
which  they  should  stand  at  this  time: 

THE  DIALOGUE 

Question.  With  what  party  should  the  colored 
man  vote? 

Answer.  The  Union  Republican  party. 

Q.  Why  should  the  colored  man  vote  with  that 
party? 

A.  Because  that  party  has  made  him  free  and  given 
him  the  right  to  vote. 

Q.  Was  Mr  Lincoln  a Republican? 

A.  He  was  a Republican  president. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  8 1 

0.  Are  all  the  Republicans  in  favor  of  universal 
freedom  ? 

A.  They  are. 

0.  What  is  the  difference  between  Radicals  and 
Republicans  ? 

A.  There  is  none.  The  word  Radical  was  applied, 
to  the  Republican  party  by  its  enemies,  and  has  been 
accepted  by  it. 

Q.  The  Radicals  and  the  Republicans  are  then  one 
and  the  same  party? 

A.  They  are,  and  they  are  all  in  favor  of  freedom 
and  universal  justice. 

O.  What  is  the  meaning-  of  the  word  radical  as 
applied  to  political  parties  and  politicians  ? 

A.  It  means  one  who  is  in  favor  of  going-  to  the 
root  of  things;  who  is  thoroughly  in  earnest;  who  de- 
sires that  slavery  should  be  abolished,  that  every  dis- 
ability connected  therewith  should  be  obliterated,  not 
only  from  the  national  laws  but  from  those  of  every 
state  in  the  Union. 

0.  Is  Mr  Sumner  a Republican? 

A.  He  is  and  a Radical,  so  are  Thad.  Stevens, 
Senator  "Wilson,  Judge  Kelley,  General  Butler, 
Speaker  Colfax,  Chief  Justice  Chase,  and  all  other  men 
who  favor  giving  colored  men  their  rights. 

Q.  To  which  party  do  the  friends  of  the  colored 
men  in  Congress  .belong? 

A.  To  the  Republican  party. 

0.  What  is  a Democrat? 

A.  A member  of  that  party  which  before  the  re- 
bellion sustained  every  legislative  act  demanded  by 
the  slaveholders,  such  as  the  fugitive  slave  law,  and 
the  attempt  made  to  force  slavery  upon  the  Western 
Territories. 

0.  What  was  the  position  of  the  Democratic  party 
during  the  war? 

A.  It  opposed  the  war;  declared  Mr  Lincoln’s 
management  of  it  a failure ; resisted  every  measure 
in  Congress  looking-  to  emancipation,  and  denounced 
the  government  for  arming  colored  men  as  soldiers. 


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Q.  What  has  that  party  done  since  the  surrender 
of  the  rebels? 

A.  It  has  sustained  Mr  Johnson  in  his  efforts  to 
restore  your  old  masters  to  power  in  the  country,  and 
opposed  every  act  for  your  benefit  which  the  Repub- 
lican Congress  has  adopted. 

Q.  Is  it  known  by  any  other  name? 

A.  It  is  known  as  Conservative,  Copperhead  and 
rebel.  Under  each  name  it  is  still  the  same  enemy  of 
freedom  and  the  rights  of  man. 

Q.  Would  the  Democrats  make  slaves  of  the  col- 
ored people  again  if  they  could? 

A.  It  is  fair  to  presume  they  would,  for  they  have 
opposed  their  freedom  by  every  means  in  their  power, 
and  have  always  labored  to  extend  slavery. 

Q.  Would  Democrats  allow  colored  men  to  vote? 

A.  No!  They  have  always  opposed  it  in  Congress 
and  in  the  various  state  Legislatures. 

Q.  Who  abolished  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  ? 

A.  A Republican  Congress  and  Abraham  Lincoln,  a 
Republican  president. 

Q.  Who  freed  the  slaves  of  the  South? 

A.  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  Republican  president,  by 
proclamation. 

Q.  Who  passed  the  Freedman’s  Bureau  bill? 

A.  A Republican  Congress  by  more  than  a two 
thirds  vote  over  the  veto  of  Andrew  Johnson,  the 
leader  of  the  Democratic  or  Conservative  party. 

Q.  Who  gave  us  the  civil  rights  bill? 

A.  The  same  Republican  Congress. 

O.  Wbat  party  gave  us  the  right  to  vote? 

A.  The  Republican  party. 

Q.  What  has  the  Democratic,  Conservative  or 

Copperhead  party  ever  done  for  the  colored  people? 

A.  It  has  tried  to  keep  them  in  slavery,  and  op- 
posed giving  them  the  benefit  of  the  Freedman’s  Bu- 

reau and  civil  rights  bills,  and  the  right  to  vote. 

O.  Why  can  not  colored  men  support  the  Demo- 
cratic party? 

A.  Because  that  party  would  disfranchise  them, 
and,  if  possible,  return  them  to  slavery  and  certainly 
keep  them  in  an  inferior  position  before  the  law. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-/6  83 


Q.  With  whom  do  the  disloyal  white  men  of  the 
South  desire  the  colored  men  to  vote? 

A.  With  the  Democratic  party. 

Q.  Would  not  the  Democrats  take  away  all  the 
negro’s  rights? 

A.  They  would. 

Q.  Then  why  do  they  pretend  to  be  the  best 
friends  of  the  colored  men? 

A.  Because  they  contend  that  they  are  fitted  only 
for  slavery,  or  an  inferior  position,  and  are  happier  in 
either  condition. 

Q.  How  would  it  suit  them  to  be  served  in  the 
same  manner? 

A.  They  would  not  endure  it.  They  call  themselves 
a superior  race  of  beings,  and  claim  they  are  born  your 
rulers. 

Q.  Why  do  they  not  do  unto  others  as  they  would 
be  done  by? 

A.  Because  they  are  devoid  of  principle,  and  desti- 
tute of  all  sense  of  justice  where  the  colored  man  is 
concerned. 

Q.  Do  all  white  people  belong  to  a party  which 
would  treat  us  in  that  way? 

A.  They  do  not.  There  are  many  who  have  stood 
up  nobly  for  your  rights,  and  who  will  aid  you  to  the 
end ; indeed,  all  the  Republicans  are  such. 

0.  To  what  party  do  the  people  of  the  South 
belong? 

A.  The  larger  portion  belong  to  the  Democratic 
party. 

O.  Are  the  slaveholders  and  the  leaders  of  the  re- 
bellion members  of  that  party? 

A.  They  are,  and  would  not  regard  you  as  having 
any  right  if  they  were  in  power. 

0.  The  colored  men  should  then  vote  with  the  Re- 
publican or  Radical  party? 

A.  They  should,  and  shun  the  Democratic  party  as 
they  would  the  overseer’s  lash  and  the  auction  block. 

0.  Has  the  Republican  party  ever  deceived  the 
colored  people? 

A.  It  has  not.  While  the  Democratic  party  has 
always  been  opposed  to  their  freedom,  their  education, 
and  their  rights  to  vote,  the  Republican  party  has 
always  been  their  friend. 


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HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


Q.  To  what  party  do  the  leading  colored  men  be- 
long? 

A.  Without  exception  they  belong  to  the  Republi- 
can party. 

Q.  What  are  the  most  prominent  principles  advo- 
cated by  the  Republican  party? 

A.  Equal  rights  before  the  law  and  at  the  ballot 
box  for  all  men  without  regard  to  race  or  color ; that 
is,  that  every  man  shall  have  the  same  rights  and 
liberties  as  any  other  man. 

O.  Does  not  the  military  reconstruction  act  secure 
to  us  these  rights? 

A.  Yes,  but  you  may  yet  be  deprived  of  them  if 
your  enemies  get  into  power. 

Q.  What  would  the  people  think  if  the  colored  men 
voted  with  the  Democratic  party? 

A.  The  people  of  the  North  would  think  that  they 
did  not  fully  understand  their  own  rights  nor  the 
duties  devolving-  on  them  ; and  the  people  of  the  South 
would  proudly  say,  “ We  have  always  told  you  that 
the  negro  did  not  wish  to  be  free.” 

Q.  What  use  has  been  made  of  the  money  which 
the  colored  people  of  the  Southern  States  have  paid  as 
taxes? 

A.  It  has  been  used  to  establish  schools  for  white 
children  ; to  pay  the  expenses  of  making  and  executing 
laws  in  which  the  colored  men  have  had  no  voice,  and 
in  endeavoring  to  have  the  Supreme  Court  set  aside 
the  law  which  gives  you  the  right  to  vote. 

0.  What!  are  the  Democrats  using  my  own  money 
to  take  away  my  rights? 

A.  They  have  always  done  so,  and  will  continue  to 
while  they  remain  in  power. 

0.  Can  this  be  right? 

A.  It  can  not,  but  it  is  what  you  have  always  re- 
ceived, and  such  treatment  as  you  will  continue  to 
receive  from  the  Democratic  party. 

0.  Some  people  say  if  we  vote  against  the  white 
of  the  South  it  will  make  them  our  enemies  and  we 
will  be  destroyed.  Is  it  so? 

A.  This  will  not  be  the  case,  because  they  will  try 
to  befriend  you  to  secure  your  vote. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-/6  85 

Q.  But  they  say  we  will  be  discharged  from  work 
if  we  dare  vote  the  Republican  ticket.  Will  they  do 
that  ? 

A.  You  should  remember  that  your  labor  is  worth 
just  as  much  to  the  man  who  employs  you  as  his 
money  is  to  you. 

Q.  You  would  advise  us  'then  to  disregard  these 
threats  and  vote  with  the  Republican  party? 

A.  Most  certainly  I would.  Had  you  not  rather 
suffer,  or  even  starve  to  death,  than  to  aid  a party  to 
re-enslave  you?  Remember  your  former  condition 
and  avoid  a return  to  chains  and  slavery.  “ Give  me 
liberty  or  give  me  death.’’ 

Q.  The  white  people  South  say  the  Republicans  of 
the  North  do  not  care  for  the  colored  men  only  so  far 
as  they  can  use  them  to  continue  in  political  power. 
Is  that  true? 

A.  It  is  not. 

Q.  What  is  the  reason  that  several  of  the  Northern 
States  do  not  give  us  the  right  to  vote  ? 

A.  Chiefly  because  they  have  in  the  past  been  con- 
trolled by  the  Democratic  party.  In  the  Western 
States  where  what  are  called  the  “ Black  Laws  ” exist, 
which  forbid  colored  people  to  live  there,  there  are 
large  bodies  of  whites  who  moved  originally  from  the 
slave  states,  and  carried  the  hatred  and  prejudices  of 
slaverv  with  them. 

0.  What  has  the  Republican  party  done  in  these 
states  about  such  laws? 

A.  Tried  to  abolish  them  as  fast  as  it  gained 
power.  It  publicly  advocates  their  repeal. 

0.  Well,  I am  satisfied.  You  have  clearly  shown 
me  my  duty,  and  I shall  impart  the  information  to  my 
people. 

A.  Let  me  say  to  you  further,  that  the  Democratic 
party  will  use  all  means  to  get  the  colored  people  to 
put  it  in  power  again,  but  you  must  remember  what 
has  been  its  past  record,  and  see  to  it  that  you  do  not 
trust  it  in  the  future.  In  order  that  you  may  work  to 
the  best  advantage  for  the  success  of  the  party  which 
has  been  and  still  is  your  true  friend,  you  should  have 
an  organization,  or  association,  where  you  can  bring 
together  your  people  and  such  white  men  as  belong 


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to  the  Republican  party.  You  want  to  be  so  organ- 
ized that  you  will  act  as  one  man,  lest  your  enemy 
gain  the  victory.  You  should  organize  Union  Leagues 
and  Republican  clubs.  Here  is  a constitution  for  a 
Union  Republican  club.  You  can  take  this  and  call 
together  some  of  your  Republican  friends,  have  them 
sign  it,  and  elect  the  officers  provided  therein.  Then 
hold  a meeting  once  in  each  week,  talk  these  matters 
over,  read  newspapers  and  documents  to  those  who 
can  not  read,  and  take  such  measures  as  will  result  in 
conveying  to  every  colored  man  the  correct  view  of 
his  duties  at  this  time.  This  is  the  constitution  of 
which  1 speak:  [Then  follows  a simple  constitution 
for  a political  club.]  Fleming,  Documents  relating • to 
Reconstruction,  no.  5 

Treatment  of  negro  bolters 

Testimony  of  a negro  bolter  in  Alabama 

I visited  this  county  and  Bullock,  Lee  and  Cham- 
bers counties  [making  speeches]  on  the  Democratic 
side — they  shot  at  me  and  Martin  Van  Buren  [another 
bolter]  twice  and  we  didn’t  make  a speech.  Up  in  Cham- 
bers county  we  were  lightly  interrupted  by  five  col- 
ored men,  one  by  the  name  of  Bryant.  We  wanted  to 
give  him  time  to  speak  and  relate  why  he  thought  it 
was  right  to  have  a colored  society  and  a white  so- 
ciety; that  a negro  man  could  not  keep  his  wife  if  he 
was  a Democrat ; and  young  colored  women  in  that 
society  had  to  take  a pledge  not  to  marry  a Demo- 
cratic negro.  The  president  of  the  society,  his  name 
was  Treadwell,  was  an  ex-member  of  the  Legislature. 
The  preacher  of  the  church,  he  stopped  the  secretary 
from  his  office  salary  because  he  was  a Democrat, 
and  stopped  another  man  from  being  deacon  of  the 
church  because  he  was  a Democrat.  He  put  it  to  a 
vote  and  silenced  him  from  his  membership — expelled 
him  from  the  church.  I belong  to  the  Baptist  church 
and  am  not  properly  treated ; I have  almost  quit  going 
to  church  on  that  account.  My  minister  thinks  that  a 
ne?ro  being  a Democrat  can  not  be  reality,  and  ought 
to  be  silenced  from  everything  of  colored  worship.  I 
made  a speech — the  colored  people  told  me  that  if 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  87 

they  had  their  own  way  they  would  shoot  my  head 
rig'ht  square  off.  I was  down  to  Hickory  Bend  where 
I taught  a school,  and  Mr  Booker  Nettles  advised  the 
colored  people  to  take  their  children  from  a Demo- 
cratic negro  teacher.  Asa  Barbour,  a colored  man,  did 
the  same  and  made  it  a part  of  his  speech.  I then 
had  21  pupils  in  my  school,  and  the  next  morning  I 
hadn't  but  11  left,  and  they  came  and  told  me  the 
reason  they  had  taken  them  from  me.  They  just 
broke  up  my  school. 

Testimony  of  a negro  Republican 

We  don’t  like  to  have  any  communion  with  them 
[negro  Democrats]  at  all.  As  soon  as  we  find  one 
out  Ave  don't  have  him  around  us.  We  don’t  have 
much  to  say  to  them.  We  pass  them  and  have  nothing 
to  do  with  them  because  they  have  left  their  right 
place.  If  he  is  with  the  white  Democrats  here,  of 
course  he  is  against  us.  A colored  man  in  my  estima- 
tion can  not  be  a sincere  Democrat.  This  last  election 
the  Democrats  bought  in  so  many  that  they  broke 
the  Republicans  down.  They  bought  a great  many 
with  a drink  of  \\rhiskey. 

Testimony  of  Caesar  Shorter,  Democrat,  formerly  a slave  of 
Governor  Shorter,  of  Alabama 

They  [the  blacks]  talked  about  hanging  me;  they  said 
they  Avould  rather  hang  me  than  anything  else,  and  I 
thought  once  or  tAvfice  they  would  get  at  it.  They 
didn't  let  me  speak.  I didn’t  find  but  one  colored 
Democrat  that  day.  We  toted  a double-barrelled 
shotgun  and  had  to  hide.  He  had  to  be  fastened  up 
in  the  depot  house  all  the  morning  because  a man  who 
toted  a double-barrelled  shotgun  threatened  to  kill 
him.  He  said  (to  me)  “ My  friend,  you  are  in  a 
damn  bad  place.”  I told  him  I was  in  a free  country, 
and  I thought  my  behavior  ought  to  carry  me  along. 
He  said,  “ Damn  you,  you  had  better  keep  your  eyes 
open.”  And  when  night  come  I took  to  my  hole,  and 
when  the  cars  come,  I got  on  the  cars  and  they 
brought  me  home.  House  Report  no.  262,  43d  Cong., 
2d  Sess.  p.  295,  309,  336 


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President  Johnson’s  Cleveland  speech  (Republican 
version) 

Fellow- citizens:  It  is  not  for  the  purpose  of  making 
a speech  that  I now  appear  before  you.  I am  aware 
of  the  great  curiosity  which  prevails  to  see  strangers 
who  have  notoriety  and  distinction  in  the  country.  I 
know  a large  number  of  you  desire  to  see  General 
Grant,  and  to  hear  what  he  has  to  say.  [A  voice : 
“ Three  cheers  for  Grant.”]  But  you  can  not  see  him 
tonight.  He  is  extremely  ill.  I repeat  1 am  not  before 
you  now  to  make  a speech,  but  simply  to  make  your 
acquaintance — to  say  how  are  you  and  bid  you  good 
by.  We  are  on  our  way  ;to  Chicago,  to  participate 
in  or  witness  the  laying  of  the  corner  stone*  of  a 
monument  to  the  memory  of  a distinguished  fellow- 
citizen  who  is  now  no  more.  It  is  not  necessary  for 
me  to  mention  the  name  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas  to  the 
people  of  Ohio.  [Applause]  I am  free  to  say  I am 
flattered  by  the  demonstrations  I have  witnessed,  and 
being  flattered,  I don't  mean  to  think  it  personal,  but 
as  an  evidence  of  what  is  pervading  the  public  mind, 
and  this  demonstration  is  nothing  more  nor  less  than 
an  indication  of  the  latent  sentiment  or  feeling  of  the 
great  masses  of  the  people  with  regard  to  this  great 
question. 

I come  before  you  as  an  American  citizen  simply, 
and  not  as  the  chief  magistrate  clothed  in  the  insignia 
and  paraphernalia  of  state,  being  an  inhabitant  of  a 
state  in  this  Union  ; I know  it  has  been  said  that  I 
was  an  alien,  [laughter]  and  that  I did  not  reside 
in  one  of  the  states  of  the  Union,  and  therefore  I 
could  not  be  the  Chief  Magistrate,  though  the  Consti- 
tution declares  that  I must  be  a citizen  to  occupy  that 
office.  Therefore,  all  that  was  necessary  to  depose 
its  occupant  was  to  declare  the  office  vacant,  or  under  a 
pretext  to  prefer  articles  of  impeachment.  And  thus 
the  individual  who  occupies  the  chief  magistracy  was 
to  be  disposed  of  and  driven  from  power. 

There  was,  two  years  ago,  a ticket  before  you  for 
the  presidency.  I was  placed  upon  that  ticket  with 
a distinguished  citizen,  now  no  more.  [Voices — “ It’s 
a pity”;  ‘‘Too  bad”;  ‘‘Unfortunate.”]  Yes,  I know 
there  are  some  who  say,  ’“Unfortunate.”  Yes,  un- 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  89 

fortunate  for  some  that  God  rules  on  high  and  deals 
in  justice.  [Cheers]  Yes,  unfortunate!  The  ways  of 
Providence  are  mysterious  and  incomprehensible,  con- 
trolling all  those  who  exclaim,  “ Unfortunate.” 
["  Bully  for  you.”]  I was  going  to  say,  my  country- 
men, a short  time  since  I was  elected  and  placed  upon 
the  ticket.  There  was  a platform  proclaimed  and 
adopted  by  those  who  placed  me  upon  it.  Notwith- 
standing a mendacious  press ; notwithstanding  a sub- 
sidized gang  of  hirelings  who  have  not  ceased  to  tra- 
duce me,  I have  discharged  all  my  official  duties,  and 
fulfilled  my  pledges.  And  I say  here  tonight  that  if 
my  predecessor  had  lived,  the  vials  of  wrath  would 
have  poured  cut  upon  him.  [Cries,  “Never!” 
"Never!”  and  three  cheers  for  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States.]  I came  here  as  I was  passing  along, 
and  having'  been  called  upon  for  the  purpose  of  ex- 
changing views,  and  ascertaining,  if  we  could,  who 
are  wrong.  [Cries,  “ You  are!  "]  That  was  my  object 
in  appearing  before  you  tonight.  I want  to  say  that 
I have  lived  among  the  American  people,  and  have 
represented  them  in  some  public  capacity  for  the  last 
25  years.  Where  is  the  man  or  the  woman  who  can 
place  his  finger  upon  one  single  act  of  mine,  deviating 
from  any  pledges  of  mine  or  in  violation  of  the  Con- 
stitution'of  the  country?  [Cheers  and  cries  of  “New 
Orleans ! ”] 

AYho  is  he — what  language  does  he  speak — what 
religion  does  he  profess — that  can  come  and  place  his 
finger  upon  one  pledge  I ever  violated,  or  one  principle 
1 ever  proved  false  to?  [Voice,  “New  Orleans!”] 
Another,  “Why  don't  you  hang  Jeff.  Davis?”]  Hang 
Jeff.  Davis?  [Shouts  and  cries  of  “ Down  with  him  !"] 
Hang  Jeff.  Davis?  [Voice,  “Hang  Wendell  Phil- 
lips!”] Why  don't  you  hang  him?  [Cries  of  “Give 
us  an  opportunity!”]  Haven’t  you  got  the  court? 
Haven't  you  got  the  Attorney  General?  Who  is  your 
Chief  Justice,  who  has  refused  to  sit  on  his  trial? 
[Groans  and  cheers]  I am  not  the  Chief  Justice!  I 
am  not  the  Attorney  General!  I am  no  jury!  But 
I’ll  tell  you  what  I did  do.  I called  upon  your  Con- 
press,  that  is  trying  to  break  up  the  government. 
[Hisses  and  cries  of  “A  lie  ! ” Great  confusion.  Voice, 
“Don’t  get  mad!”]  I am  not  mad.  [Hisses]  I will 


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tell  you  who  is  mad.  “ Whom  the  gods  want  to 
destroy  they  first  make  mad.”  Did  your  Congress 
order  any  of  them  to  be  tried?  [Three  cheers  for 
Congress]  Then,  fellow-citizens,  we  might  as  well 
allay  our  passion  and  permit  reason  to  resume  her 
empire  and  prevail.  In  presenting  the  few  remarks 
that  I designed  to  make,  my  intention  was  to  address 
myself  to  your  common  sense,  your  judgment,  your 
better  feelings,  not  to  the  passion  and  malignancy  of 
your  hearts.  [Voice,  “How  about  Moses?”]  This 
was  my  object  in  presenting  myself  on  this  occasion, 
and  to  say  “ how  d’ye  ” and  “ good  by.”  In  the 
assembly  here  tonight  the  remark  has  been  made 
“traitor!”  Traitor,  my  countrymen!  Will  you  hear 
me?  [Cries,  “Yes!”]  And  will  you  hear  me  for  my 
cause  and  for  the  Constitution  of  my  country?  [“  Yes  ! 
Yes!  Goon!”] 

I want  to  know  when  or  where  or  under  what 
circumstances  Andrew  Johnson,  not  as  executive,  but 
in  any  capacity,  ever  deserted  any  principle,  or  vio- 
lated the  Constitution  of  this  country.  [Never! 
never!]  Let  me  ask  this  large  and  intelligent  audi- 
ence if  your  Secretary  of  State,  who  served  four  years 
under  Mr  Lincoln,  and  who  was  placed  upon  the 
butcher's  block  as  it  were  and  hacked  and  gashed  all 
to  pieces,  scarred  by  the  assassin’s  knife- — when  he 
turned  traitor?  [Cries  of  “Never!”]  If  I were  dis- 
posed to  play  the  orator  and  deal  in  declamation,  even 
tonight  I would  imitate  one  of  the  ancient  tragedies, 
and  would  take  Mr  Seward,  bring  him  before  you,  and 
point  you  to  the  hacks  and  scars  upon  his  person. 
[Voice,  “God  bless  him!”]  I would  exhibit  the 
bloody  garments  saturated  with  gore  from  his  gaping 
wounds.  Then  I would  ask  you,  who  is  the  traitor? 
[Voice,  “ Thad.  Stevens ! ”]  Why  don’t  you  hang 
Thad.  Stevens  and  Wendell  Phillips?  [Cheers]  I have 
been  fighting  traitors  in  the  South.  They  have  been 
whipped  and  crushed.  They  acknowledge  their  defeat 
and  accept  the  terms  of  the  Constitution.  And  now, 
as  I go  round  the  circle,  having  fought  traitors  at  the 
South,  I am  prepared  to  fight  them  at  the  North, 
[Cheers]  God  being  willing,  with  you.r  help.  [Cries, 
“ We  won't  give  it.”]  They  will  be  crushed  North 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  91 

and  this  glorious  Union  of  ours  will  be  preserved. 
[Cheers]  I do  not  come  here  as  the  chief  magistrate 
of  25  states  out  of  36.  [Cheers] 

I come  here  tonight  with  the  flag  of  my  country  and 
the  constellation  of  36  stars  untarnished.  Are  you 
for  dividing  this  country?  [Cries,  “No.”]  Then  I am 
President,  and  President  of  the  whole  United  States. 
[Cheers]  I will  tell  you  another  thing.  I understand 
the  discordant  notes  in  this  crowd  tonight.  He  who  is 
opposed  to  the  restoration  of  the  government  and  the 
Union  of  the  states  is  a greater  traitor  than  Jett.  Davis 
or  Wendell  Phillips.  [Loud  cheers]  I am  against  both 
of  them.  [Cries,  “Give  it  to  them”.]  Some  of  you 
talk  about  traitors  in  the  South,  who  have  not  courage 
to  go  away  from  your  homes  to  fight  them.  [Laugh- 
ter and  cheers]  The  courageous  men,  Grant,  Sher- 
man, Farragut,  and  the  long  list  of  the  distinguished 
sons  of  the  Union,  were  in  the  field,  and  led  on  their 
gallant  hosts  to  conquest  and  to  victory,  while  you 
remained  cowardly  at  home.  [Applause  ; “ Bully."] 
Now  when  these  brave  men  have  returned  home,  many 
of  whom  have  left  an  arm  or  a leg  or  their  blood  upon 
many  a battlefield,  they  found  you  at  home  speculat- 
ing and  committing  frauds  upon  the  government. 
[Laughter  and  cheers]  You  pretend  now  to  have  great 
respect  and  sympathy  for  the  poor,  brave  fellow  who 
has  left  an  arm  on  the  battlefield.  [Cries,  “ Is  this 
dignified?”]  I understand  you.  You  may  talk  about 
the  dignity  of  the  President.  [Cries,  “ How  was  it 
about  his  making  a speech  on  the  22d  of  February?  "] 
I have  been  with  you  on  the  battlefield  of  this  coun- 
try, and  I can  tell  you  furthermore  tonight,  who  have 
to  pav  these  brave  men  who  shed  their  blood.  You 
speculated,  and  now  the  great  mass  of  the  people  have 
got  to  work  it  out.  [Cheers] 

It  is  time  that  the  great  mass  of  the  American 
people  should  understand  what  your  designs  are.  [A 
voice,  “What  did  General  Butler  say?"]  What  did 
General  Butler  say?  [Hisses]  What  did  Grant  say? 
[Cheers]  and  what  does  General  Grant  say  about  Gen- 
eral Butler?  [Laughter  and  cheers]  What  does  Gen- 
eral Sherman  sav?  [A  voice.  “ What  does  Sheridan  say? 
New  Orleans!  New  Orleans!”]  General  Sheridan  says 


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that  he  is  for  the  restoration  of  the  government  that 
General  Sheridan  fought  for.  [“  Bully.’']  But,  fellow- 
citizens,  let  this  all  pass.  I care  not  for  my  dignity. 
There  is  a certain  portion  of  our  countrymen  will 
respect  a citizen  wherever  he  is  entitled  to  respect. 
[A  voice,  “ That's  so.”]  There  is  another  class,  that 
have  no  respect  for  themselves,  and  consequently  they 
cannot  respect  any  one  else.  [Laughter  and  cheers] 
I know  a man  and  a gentleman  whenever  I meet  him. 
I have  only  to  look  in  his  face ; and  if  I was  to  see 
yours  by  the  light  of  day  I do  not  doubt  but  that  I 
should  see  cowardice  and  treachery  written  upon  it. 
[Laughter  and  cheers]  Come  out  here  where  I can 
see  you.  [Cheers]  If  you  ever  shoot  a man  you  will 
do  it  in  the  dark,  and  pull  the  trigger  when  no  one 
is  by  to  see.  [Cheers]  I understand  traitors,  I have 
been  fighting  them  at  the  southern  end  of  the  line, 
and  we  are  now  fighting  them  in  the  other  direction. 
[Laughter  and  cheers]  I came  here  neither  to  crimin- 
ate nor  recriminate,  but  when  attacked,  my  plan  is  to 
defend  myself.  [Cheers] 

When  encroached  upon,  I care  not  from  what  quar- 
ter it  comes,  it  will  meet  with  resistance.  As  chief 
magistrate,  I felt,  after  taking  the  oath  to  support  the 
Constitution,  and  when  I saw  encroachment  upon  your 
constitutional  rights,  I dared  to  sound  the  tocsin  of 
alarm.  [Three  cheers  for  Andrew  Johnson]  Then,  if 
this  be  right,  the  head  and  front  of  my  offending  is 
in  telling  when  the  Constitution  of  our  country  was 
trampled  upon.  Let  me  say  to  those  who  thirst  for 
more  blood,  who  are  still  willing  to  sacrifice  human 
life,  if  you  want  a victim,  and  the  country  requires  it, 
erect  your  altar  and  lay  me  upon  it  to  pour  the  last 
libation  to  human  freedom.  [Loud  applause]  I love 
my  country.  Every  public  act  of  my  life  testifies  that 
it  is  so.  Where  is  the  man  that  can  put  his  finger  upon 
any  one  act  of  mine  that  goes  to  prove  to  the  contrary? 
And  what  is  my  offending?  [Voice.  “ Because  you'are 
not  a Radical,”  and  cries  of  ‘‘Veto!”]  Somebody  savs 
“Veto!”  Veto  of  what  is  called  the  Freedmen’s 
Bureau  bill?  I can  tell  you  what  it  is.  Before  the 
rebellion  commenced,  there  were  4.000.000  of  slaves 
and  about  340,000  white  people  living  in  the  South. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  93 

These  latter  paid  expenses,  bought  the  lands  and  culti1 
rated  them,  and,  after  the  crops  were  gathered,  pock- 
eted the  profits.  That’s  the  way  the  thing  stood  up 
to  the  rebellion.  The  rebellion  commenced,  the  slaves 
were  liberated,  and  then  came  up  the  Freedmen’s 
Bureau  bill.  This  provides  for  the  appointment  of 
agents  and  subagents  in  all  states,  counties,  and  school 
districts,  who  have  power  to  make  contracts  for  the 
freedmen  and  to  hire  them  out,  and  to  use  the  military 
power  to  carry  them  into  execution.  The  cost  of  this 
to  the  people  was  $12,000,000  at  the  beginning.  The 
further  expense  would  be  greater,  and  you  are  to  be 
taxed  for  it.  That  is  why  I vetoed  it.  I might  refer 
to  the  civil  rights  bill,  which  is  even  more  atrocious. 
I tell  you,  my  countrymen,  that  though  the  power  of 
hell  and  Thad.  Stevens  and  his  gang  were  by,  they 
could  not  turn  me  from  my  purpose.  There  is  no 
power  that  could  turn  me  except  you  and  the  God  who 
i spoke  me  into  existence. 

In  conclusion  he  said  that  Congress  had  taken  much 
pains  to  poison  their  constituents  against  him.  But 
what  had  Congress  done?  Have  they  done  anything 
to  restore  the  Union  of  these  States?  No:  on  the 
contrary,  they  had  done  everything  to  prevent  it;  and, 
because  he  stood  now  where  he  did  when  the  rebellion 
I commenced,  he  had  been  denounced  as  a traitor.  Who 
had  run  greater  risks  or  made  greater  sacrifices  than 
himself?  But  Congress,  factious  and  domineering, 
had  taken  to  poisoning  the  minds  of  the  American 
people.  It  was  with  them  a question  of  power.  Every 
friend  of  theirs  who  holds  an  office  as  assessor,  col- 
lector, or  postmaster,  [A  voice,  “ Turn  Benedict 
out!”]  wanted  to  retain  his  place.  Rotation  in  office 
used  to  be  thought  a good  doctrine  by  Washington, 
Tefferson,  and  Adams;  and  Andrew  Jackson,  God 
bless  him,  thought  so.  [Applause]  This  gang  of 
officeholders — these  bloodsuckers  and  cormorants— 
had  got  fat  on  the  country.  You  have  got  them  over 
, your  district.  Hence  you  see  a system  of  legisla- 
tion proposed  that  these  men  shall  not  be  turned  out ; 
and  the  President,  the  only  channel  through  which 
they  can  be  reached,  is  called  a tyrant.  He  thought 


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the  time  had  come  when  those  who  had  enjoyed  fat 
offices  for  four  years  should  give  way  for  those  who 
had  fought  for  the  country.  Hence  it  was  seen  why  he 
was  assailed  and  traduced.  He  had  stood  by  them 
in  the  field,  and  God  willing,  he  would  continue  to 
stand  by  them.  He  had  turned  aside  from  the  thread  of 
his  remarks  to  notice  the  insult  sought  to  be  given  him. 
When  an  insult  offered  he  would  resent  it  in  a proper 
manner.  But  he  was  free  to  say  he  had  no  revengeful 
or  resentful  feelings.  All  he  wanted  when  the  war 
was  over  and  peace  had  come  was  for  patriotic  and 
Christian  men  to  rally  round  the  flag  of  the  country 
in  a fraternal  hug,  and  resolved  that  all  shall  perish 
rather  than  that  the  Union  shall  not  be  restored. 
While  referring  to  the  question  of  suffrage,  some  one 
in  the  crowd  asked  him,  ‘'How  about  Louisiana?” 
To  which  he  responded,  “ Let  the  negroes  vote  in 
Ohio  before  you  talk  about  their  voting  in  Louisiana.” 
[Laughter  and  cries  of  “Good!”]  “Take  the  beam 
out  of  your  own  eye  before  you  see  the  mote  in  your 
brother’s.”  [Renewed  laughter]  In  conclusion,  after 
some  further  remarks,  he  invoked  God’s  best  blessings 
on  his  hearers.  [Applause]  From  the  Cleveland 
Leader , Sep.  4,  1866,  quoted  in  the  Impeachment  Testi- 
mony, 1:325-28 

Impeachment  of  President  Johnson 

1 Tenth  article  of  impeachment. 

2 Opinion  of  Senator  Sumner. 

Tenth  article  of  impeachment 

That  said  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United 
States,  unmindful  of  the  higher  duties  of  his  office,  and 
the  dignity  and  proprieties  thereof,  and  of  the  harmony 
and  courtesies  which  ought  to  exist  and  be  maintained 
between  the  executive  and  legislative  branches  of  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  designing  and  intend- 
ing to  set  aside  the  rightful  authority  and  powers  of  Con- 
gress, did  attempt  to  bring  into'  disgrace,  ridicule,  hatred, 
contempt,  and  reproach  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  several  branches  thereof,  to  impair  and 
destroy  the  regard  and  respect  of  all  the  good  people  of 
the  United  States  for  the  Congress  and  legislative 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  95 


powers  thereof,  (which  all  officers  of  the  government 
ought  inviolably  to  preserve  and  maintain,)  and  to  ex- 
cite the  odium  and  resentment  of  all  the  good  people  of 
the  United  States  against  Congress  and  the  laws  by  it 
duly  and  constitutionally  enacted;  and  in  pursuance  of 
his  said  design  and  intent,  openly  and  publicly,  and  be- 
fore divers  assemblages  of  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  convened  in  divers  parts  thereof  to  meet  and  re- 
ceive said  Andrew  Johnson  as  the  chief  magistrate  of  the 
United  States,  did,  on  the  18th  day  of  August,  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  1866,  and  on  divers  other  days  and  times,  as 
well  before  as  afterward,  make  and  deliver,  with  a loud 
voice,  certain  intemperate,  inflammatory,  and  scandalous 
harangues,  and  did  therein  utter  loud  threats  and  bitter 
menaces,  as  well  against  Congress  as  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  duly  enacted  thereby,  and  the  cries,  jeers, 
and  laughter  of  the  multitudes  then  assembled  and  in 
hearing,  which  are  set  forth  in  the  several  specifications 
hereinafter  written,  in  substance  and  effect,  that  is  to 
say : 

Specification  first.  In  this,  that  at  Washington,  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  in  the  executive  mansion,  to  a com- 
mittee of  citizens  who  called  upon  the  President  of 
the  LTnited  States,  speaking  of  and  concerning  the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States,  said  Andrew  Johnson,  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  heretofore,  to  wit,  on  the  18th 
day  of  August,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1866,  did,  in  a loud 
voice,  declare,  in  substance  and  effect,  among  other  things, 
that  is  to  say  : 

So  far  as  the  executive  department  of  the  govern- 
ment is  concerned,  the  effort  has  been  made  to  restore 
the  Union,  to  heal  the  breach,  to  pour  oil  into'  the 
wounds  which  were  consequent  upon  the  struggle,  and 
(to  speak  in  common  phrase)  to  prepare,  as  the  learned 
and  wise  physician  would,  a plaster  healing  in  character 
and  coextensive  with  the  wound.  We  thought  and  we 
think,  that  we  have  partially  succeeded ; but,  as  the  work 
progresses,  as  reconstruction  seemed  to  be  taking  place, 
and  the  country  was  becoming  reunited,  we  found  a dis- 
turbing and  marring  element  opposing  us.  In  alluding 
to  that  element  I shall  go  no  further  than  your  conven- 
tion, and  the  distinguished  gentleman  who  has  delivered 
to  me  the  report  of  its  proceedings.  I shall  make  no 


9 6 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


reference  to  it  that  I do  not  believe  the  time  and  occasion 
justify. 

We  have  witnessed  in  one  department  of  the  govern- 
ment every  endeavor  to  prevent  the  restoration  of  peace, 
harmony  and  union.  We  have  seen  hanging  upon  the 
verge  of  the  government,  as  it  were,  a body  called,  or 
which  assumes  to  be,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
while,  in  fact,  it  is  a Congress  of  only  a part  of  the 
States.  We  have  seen  this  Congress  pretend  to  be  for 
the  Union,  when  its  every  step  and  act  tended  to  per- 
petuate disunion  and  make  a disruption  of  the  States  in- 
evitable. . . We  have  seen  Congress1  gradually  encroach, 
step  by  step,  upon  constitutional  rights,  and  violate,  day 
after  day  and  month  after  month,  fundamental  principles 
of  the  government.  We  have  seen  a Congress  that  seemed 
to  forget  that  there  was  a limit  to  the  sphere  and  scope 
of  legislation.  We  have  seen  a Congress  in  a minority 
assume  to  exercise  power  which,  allowed  to  be  con- 
summated, would  result  in  despotism  or  monarchy  itself.” 

Specification  second.  In  this,  that  at  Cleveland,  in  the 
State  of  Ohio,  heretofore,  to  wit,  on  the  3d  day  of  Sep- 
tember, in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1866,  before  a public 
assemblage  of  citizens  and  others,  said  Andrew  Johnson, 
President  of  the  United  States,  speaking  of  and  con- 
cerning the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  did,  in  a 
loud  voice,  declare,  in  substance  and  effect,  among-  other 
things,  that  is  to  say : 

“ I will  tell  you  what  I did  do.  I called  upon  your  Con- 
gress that  is  trying  to  break  up  the  government  . . . 

In  conclusion,  besides  that,  Congress  had  taken  much 
pains  to  poison  their  constituents  against  him.  But  what 
had  Congress  done?  Have  they  done  anything  to  re- 
store the  union  of  these  States?  No;  on  the  contrary, 
they  have  done  everything  to  prevent  it ; and  because  he 
stood  now  where  he  did  when  the  rebellion  commenced, 
he  had  been  denounced  as  a traitor.  Who  had  run 
greater  risks  or  made  greater  sacrifices  than  himself? 
But  Congress,  factious  and  domineering,  had  under- 
taken to  poison  the  minds  of  the  American  people.” 

Specification  third.  In  this,  that  at  St  Louis,  in  the 
state  of  Missouri,  heretofore,  to  wit,  on  the  8th  day  of 
September,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1866,  before  a public 
assemblage  of  citizens  and  others,  said  Andrew  Johnson, 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  97 

President  of  the  United  States,  speaking  of  and  concern- 
ing the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  did,  in  a loud 
voice,  declare  in  substance  and  effect,  among  other  things, 
that  is  to  say : 

“ Go  on.  Perhaps  if  you  had  a word  or  two  on  the 
subject  of  New  Orleans  you  might  understand  more 
about  it  than  you  do.  And  if  you  will  go  back — if  you 
will  go  back  and  ascertain  the  cause  of  the  riot  at  New 
Orleans,  perhaps  you  will  not  be  so  prompt  in  calling  out 
‘ New  Orleans.’  If  you  will  take  up  the  riot  at  New 
Orleans,  and  trace  it  back  to  its  source  or  immediate 
cause,  you  will  find  out  who  is  responsible  for  the  blood 
that  was  shed  there.  If  you  will  take  up  the  riot  of  New 
Orleans  and  trace  it  back  to  the  Radical  Congress,  you 
will  find  that  the  riot  at  New  Orleans  was  substantially 
planned.  If  you  will  take  up  the  proceedings  in  their 
caucuses  you  will  understand  that  they  there  knew  that 
a convention  was  to  be  called  which  was  extinct  by  its 
power  having  expired ; that  it  was  said  that  the  intention 
was  that  a new  government  was  to  be  organized,  and  on 
the  organization  of  that  government  the  intention  was  to 
enfranchise  one  portion  of  the  population,  called  the 
colored  population,  who  had  just  been  emancipated,  and 
at  the  same  time  disfranchise  white  men.  When  you 
design  to  talk  about  New  Orleans  you  ought  to  under- 
stand what  you  are  talking  about.  When  you  read  the 
speeches  that  were  made,  and  take  up  the  facts  on  the 
Friday  and  Saturday  before  that  convention  sat,  you  will 
there  find  that  speeches  were  made  incendiary  in  their 
character,  exciting  that  portion  of  the  population,  the 
black  population,  to  arm  themselves  and  prepare  for  the 
shedding  of  blood.  You  will  also  find  that  the  conven- 
tion did  assemble  in  violation  of  law,  and  the  intention  of 
that  convention  was  to  supersede  the  reorganized  authori- 
ties in  the  state  government  of  Louisiana,  which  had 
been  recognized  by  the  government  of  the  United  States ; 
and  every  man  engaged  in  that  rebellion  in  that  conven- 
tion, with  the  intention  of  superseding  and  upturning 
the  civil  government  which  had  been  recognized  by  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  I say  that  he  was  a 
traitor  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and 
hence  you  find  that  another  rebellion  was  commenced, 
having  its  origin  in  the  Radical  Congress  . . . 


7 


98 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 

So  much  for  the  New  Orleans  riot.  And  there  was  j 
the  cause  and  the  origin  of  the  blood  that  was  shed,  and  I1' 
every  drop  of  blood  that  was  shed  is  upon  their  skirts, ! ® 
and  they  are  responsible  for  it.  I could  test  this  thing  a ® 
little  closer,  but  will  not  do  it  here  tonight.  But  when  J® 
you  talk  about  the  causes  and  consequences  that  re- 
suited  from  proceedings  of  that  kind,  perhaps,  as  I have 
been  introduced  here,  and  you  have  provoked  questions 
of  this  kind,  though  it  does  not  provoke  me,  I will  tell 
you  a few  wholesome  things  that  have  been  done  by  this  n 
Radical  Congress  in  connection  with  New  Orleans  and  • 
the  extension  of  the  elective  franchise. 

I know  that  I have  been  traduced  and  abused.  I ' 
know  it  has  come  in  advance  of  me  here  as  elsewhere, 
that  I have  attempted  to  exercise  an  arbitrary  power  in 
resisting  laws  that  were  intended  to  be  forced  upon  the 
government : that  1 had  exercised  that  power ; that  I had  i 
abandoned  the  party  that  elected  me,  and  that  I was  a 
traitor,  because  I exercised  the  veto  power  in  attempting, 
and  did  arrest  for  a time,  a bill  that  was  called  a Freed- 1 
men’s  Bureau  bill ; yes,  that  I was  a traitor.  And  I j 
have  been  traduced,  I have  been  slandered,  I have  been 
maligned,  I have  been  called  judas  Iscariot,  and  all  that. 
Now,  my  countrymen,  here  tonight,  it  is  very  easy  to  in-  i 
dulge  in  epithets;  it  is  easy  to  call  a man  Judas  and  cry  > 
out  traitor ; but  when  he  is  called  upon  to  give  arguments  i 
and  facts  he  is  very  often  found  wanting.  Judas 
Iscariot — Judas.  There  was  a Judas,  and  he  was  one  of 
the  twelve  apostles.  Oh ! yes,  the  twelve  apostles  had  a 
Christ.  The  twelve  apostles  had  a Christ,  and  he  never 
could  have  had  a Judas  unless  he  had  had  twelve  apostles.  | 
If  I have  played  the  Judas,  who  has  been  my  Christ  that 
I have  played  the  Judas  with?  Was  it  Tbad.  Stevens? 
Was  it  Wendell  Phillips?  Was  it  Charles  Sumner? 
These  are  the  men  that  stop  and  compare  themselves  , 
with  the  Savior;  and  everybody  that  differs  with  them  in  ! 
opinion,  and  to  try  to  stay  and  arrest  their  diabolical  and 
nefarious  policy,  is  to  be  denounced  as  a Judas.  . . 

Well,  let  me  say  to  you,  if  you  will  stand  bv  me  in  this 
action,  if  you  will  stand1  by  me  in  trying  to  give  the 
people  a fair  chance — soldiers  and  citizens — to  participate  |! 
in  these  offices,  God  being  willing,  I will  kick  them  out. 

I will  kick  them  out  just  as  fast  as  I can. 


RECONSTRUCTION. OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  99 

Let  me  say  to  you,  in  concluding,  that  what  I have  said 
1 intended  to  say,  I was  not  provoked  into  this,  and  I 
care  not  for  their  menaces,  the  taunts,  and  the  jeers.  I 
care  not  for  threats.  I do  not  intend  to  be  bullied  by  my 
enemies  nor  overawed  by  my  friends.  But,  God  willing, 
with  your  help,  I will  veto  their  measures  when  any  of 
them  come  to  me.” 

Which  said  utterances,  declarations,  threats  and  ha- 
rangues, highly  censurable  in  any,  are  peculiarly  indecent 
and  unbecoming  in  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  United 
States,  by  means  whereof  said  Andrew  Johnson  has 
brought  the  high  office  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  into  contempt,  ridicule,  and  disgrace,  to  the  great 
■.  scandal  of  all  good  citizens,  whereby  said  Andrew  John- 
son, President  of  the  United  States,  did  commit,  and  was 
then  and  there  guilty  of  a high  misdemeanor  in  office. 
Impeachment  Testimony , 1:8-9 

Opinion  of  Senator  Sumner  on  inpeachment 

. . . This  is  one  of  the  last  great  battles  with  slavery. 
Driven  from  these  legislative  chambers,  driven  from  the 
field  of  war,  this  monstrous  power  has  found  a refuge  in 
the  executive  mansion,  where,  in  utter  disregard  of  the 
Constitution  and  laws,  it  seeks  to'  exercise  its  ancient  far- 
reaching  sway.  All  this  is  very  plain.  Nobody  can 
question  it.  Andrew  Johnson  is  the  impersonation  of  the 
tyrannical  slave  power.  In  him  it  lives  again.  He  is  the 
lineal  successor  of  John  C.  Calhoun  and  Jefferson  Davis: 
and  he  gathers  about  him  the  same  supporters.  Original 
partizans  of  slavery  north  and  south ; habitual  com- 
promisers of  great  principles ; maligners  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence ; politicians  without  heart ; lawyers, 
for  whom  a technicality  is  everything,  and  a promiscuous 
company  who  at  every  stage  of  the  battle  have  set  their 
faces  against  equal  rights ; these  are  his  allies.  It  is  the 
old  troop  of  slavery,  with  a few  recruits,  ready  as  of  old 
for  violence — cunning  in  device,  and  heartless  in  quibble. 
With  the  President  at  their  head,  they  are  now  entrenched 
in  the  executive  mansion. 

Not  to  dislodge  them  is  to  leave  the  country  a prey  to 
one  of  the  most  hateful  tyrannies  of  history.  Especially 
is  it  to  surrender  the  Lhhonists  of  the  rebel  States  to 


IOO 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


. 


esf 


1 


si 

h 


violence  and  bloodshed.  Not  a month,  not  a week,  not 
day  should  be  lost.  The  safety  of  the  Republic  requjjr 
action  at  once.  The  lives  of  innocent  men  must 
rescued  from  sacrifice. 

I would  not  in  this  judgment  depart  from  that  moder 
tion  which  belongs  to  the  occasion;  but  God  forbid  tin 
when  called  to  deal  with  so  great  an  offender,  I shou 
affect  a coldness  which  I can  not  feel.  Slavery  has  be< 
our  worst  enemy,  assailing  all,  murdering  our  childre 
filling  our  homes  with  mourning,  and  darkening  the  lar 
with  tragedy ; and  now  it  rears  its  crest  anew,  wil 
Andrew  Johnson  as  its  representative.  Through  him 
assumes  once  more  to  rule  the  Republic  and  to  impose  i 
cruel  law.  The  enormity  of  his  conduct  is  aggravated  b 
his  barefaced  treachery.  He  once  declared  himself  tl 
Moses  of  the  colored  race.  Behold  him  now  the  Pharaol 
With  such  treachery  in  such  a cause  there  can  be  n 
parley.  Every  sentiment,  every  conviction,  every  vo\, 
against  slavery  must  now  be  directed  against 
Pharaoh  is  at  the  bar  of  the  Senate  for  judgment. 

. . . There  is  nothing  of  usurpation  which  he  has  noi 
attempted.  Beginning  with  an  assumption  of  all  powe 
in  the  rebel  states,  he  has  shrunk  from  nothing  in  thtj 
maintenance  of  this  unparalleled  assumption.  This  is 
plain  statement  of  fact.  Timid  at  first,  he  grew  boldei.  tin 
and  bolder.  He  saw  too  well  that  his  attempt  to  substi 
tute  himself  for  Congress  in  the  work  of  reconstructior 
was  sheer  usurpation,  and  therefore,  by  his  Secretary  of  ^ 
State,  did  not  hesitate  to  announce  that  “ it  must  be  dis- 
tinctly understood  that  the  restoration  will  be  subject  to 
the  decision  of  Congress.”  On  two  separate  occasions,  iis! 
in  July  and  September  1865,  he  confessed  the  power  of! 
Congress  over  the  subject;  but  when  Congress  camd 
together  in  December,  this  confessor  of  congressional 
power  found  that  he  alone  had  this  great  prerogative. 


KE 


of 


■ 


cj  x 

According  to  his  new  fangled  theory,  Congress  had 


nothing  to  do  but  admit  the  states  with  the  governments 
which  had  been  instituted  through  his  will  alone.  It  is 


difficult  to  measure  the  vastness  of  this  usurpation,  in- 
volving as  it  did  a general  nullification.  Strafford  was 
not  bolder,  when,  speaking  for  Charles  1,  he  boasted  that 
“ the  little  finger  of  prerogative  was  heavier  than  the 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  IOI 


ins  of  the  law’’;  but  these  words  helped  the  proud 
inister  to  the  scaffold.  No  monarch,  no  despot,  no 
: iltan,  could  claim  more  than  an  American  president; 
[hr  he  claimed  all.  By  his  edict  alone  governments  were 
rganized,  taxes  were  levied,  and  even  the  franchises  of 
jfe  citizen  were  determined. 

Had  this  assumption  of  power  been  incidental,  for  the 
Agency  of  the  moment,  as  under  the  pressure  of  war, 
.id  especially  to  serve  the  cause  of  human  rights,  to 
Inch  before  his  elevation  the  President  had  professed 
nch  vociferous  devotion,  it  might  have  been  pardoned. 

would  have  passed  into  the  chapter  of  unauthorized 
;:ts  which  a patriot  people  had  condoned.  But  it  was 
e opposite  in  every  particular.  Beginning  and  con- 
luing  in  usurpation,  it  was  hateful  beyond  pardon,  be- 
.use  it  sacrificed  the  rights  of  Unionists,  white  and 
ack,  and  was  in  the  interest  of  the  rebellion  and  of  those 
?ry  rebels  who  had  been  in  arms  against  their  country. 
More  than  one  person  was  appointed  provisional  gov- 
nor  who  could  not  take  the  oath  of  office  required  by 
■t  of  Congress.  Other  persons  in  the  same  predicament 
ere  appointed  in  the  revenue  service.  The  effect  of 
;ese  appointments  was  disastrous.  They  were  in  the 
lture  of  notice  to  rebels  everywhere,  that  participation 
k the  rebellion  was  no  bar  to  office.  If  one  of  their 
imber  could  be  appointed  governor,  if  another  could  be 
[^pointed  to  a confidential  position  in  the  Treasury  De- 
: irtment,  then  there  was  nobody  on  the  long  list  of 
f ood  who  might  not  look  for  preferment.  And  thus  all 
fices  from  governor  to  constable  were  handed  over  to 
disloyal  scramble.  Rebels  crawled  forth  from  their 
•treats.  Men  who  had  hardly  ventured  to  expect  their 
lyes  were  now  candidates  for  office,  and  the  rebellion 
ncame  strong  again.  The  change  was  felt  in  all  the 
radations  of  government,  whether  in  states,  counties, 
wns  or  villages.  Rebels  found  themselves  in  places  of 
11st,  while  the  true-hearted  Unionists,  who  had  watched 
ir  the  coming  of  our  flag  and  ought  to  have  enjoyed  its 
'otecting'  power,  were  driven  into  hiding-places.  All 
is  was  under  the  auspices  of  Andrew  Johnson.  It  was 
? who  animated  the  wicked  crew.  He  was  at  the  head 
: the  work.  Loyalty  everywhere  was  persecuted.  White 
id  black,  whose  only  offense  was  that  they  had  been 


102 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


true  to  their  country,  were  insulted,  abused,  murdered. 
There  was  no  safety  for  the  loyal  man  except  within  the 
flash  of  our  bayonets.  The  story  is  as  authentic  as 
hideous.  More  than  two  thousand  murders  have  been  re- 
ported in  Texas  alone  since  the  surrender  of  Kirby 
Smith.  In  other  states  there  was  a similar  carnival. 


Property,  person,  life,  were  all  in  jeopardy.  Acts  were 


done  “ to  make  a holiday  in  hell.”  At  New  Orleans  there 
was  a fearful  massacre,  which,  considering  the  age  and 
the  place,  was  worse  than  that  of  St  Bartholomew,  which 
darkens  a century  of  France,  or  that  of  Glencoe,  which 
has  printed  an  ineffaceable  stain  upon  one  of  the  greatest 
reigns  of  English  history.  All  this  is  directly  traced  to 
Andrew  Johnson.  The  words  of  bitterness  uttered  at 
another  time  are  justified,  while  Fire,  Famine,  and 


Slaughter  shriek  forth — 


He  let  me  loose,  and  cried  Hello! 
To  him  alone  the  praise  is  due. 


Impeachment  of  the  President,  3:257 

Public  frauds  in  South  Carolina 

1 Letter  of  D.  H.  Chamberlain. 

2 Fraudulent  expenditures  of  the  South  Carolina 


Legislature. 


a Woodruff’s  testimony. 
b Lewis  Grant’s  testimony. 
c Public  printing. 
d A specimen  bill  for  drinks. 
e A specimen  bill  (furnishings). 
f Extract  from  report  of  committee. 


D.  II.  Chamberlain , Republican,  to  W.  L.  Trenholm, 
Democrat 


Columbia  S.  C.  May  5,  1871 

...  I propose  to  lay  aside  all  partnership,  and  simply 
to  state  facts  as  I conceive  them  to  exist.  Let  us  look  at 
our  state  whether  the  reconstruction  acts  first  took  effect 
1868. 


m 


A social  revolution  had  been  accomplished ; an  entire 
reversal  of  the  political  relations  of  most  of  our  people 
had  ensued.  The  class  which  formerly  neld  all  the 
political  powers  of  our  state  were  stripped  of  all. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  IO3 

The  class  which  had  formerly  been  less  than  citizens, 
with  no  political  power  or  social  position,  were  made  the 
I sole  depositaries  of  the  political  powers  of  the  state.  I 
refer  now  to  the  practical  results,  not  to  the  theories. 

I The  numerical  relations  of  the  two  races  here  were  such 
1 that  one  race,  under  the  new  laws,  held  absolute  political 
; control  of  the  state. 

The  attitude  and  action  of  both  races,  under  these  new 
conditions,  while  not  unnatural,  was,  I must  think,  unwise 
and  unfortunate.  One  race  stood  aloft  and  haughtily  re- 
fused to  seek  the  confidence  of  the  race  which  was  just 
: entering  on  its  new  powers ; while  the  other  race  quickly 
> grasped  all  the  political  power  which  the  new  order  of 
i things  had  placed  within  their  reach. 

From  the  nature  of  the  case,  the  one  race  was  devoid 
of  political  experience,  of  all  or  nearly  all  education,  and 
| depended  mainly  for  all  these  qualities  upon  those  who, 

\ for  the  most  part,  chanced  to  have  drifted  here  from  other 
states,  or  who,  in  very  rare  instances  being  former  resi- 
dents of  the  state,  now  allied  themselves  with  the  other 
: race.  No  man  of  common  prudence,  or  who  was  even 
slightly  familiar  with  the  working  of  social  forces,  could 
have  then  failed  to  see  that  the  elements  which  went  to 
1 compose  the  new  dominant  party  were  not  of  the  kind 
which  produce  public  virtue  and  honor,  or  which  could 
long  secure  even  public  order  and  peace. 

I make  all  just  allowance  for  exceptional  cases  of  in- 
dividual character,  but  I say  that  the  result  to  be  ex- 
pected, from  the  very  nature  of  the  situation  in  1868,  was 
that  a scramble  for  office  would  ensue  among  the  mem- 
bers of  the  party  in  power,  which,  again,  from  the  nature 
of  the  case,  must  result  in  filling  the  offices  of  the  state, 
local  and  general,  with  men  of  no  capacity,  and  little 
• honesty  or  desire  to  really  serve  the  public. 

The  nation  had  approved  the  reconstruction  measures, 
not  because  they  seemed  to  be  free  of  danger,  nor  be- 
cause they  were  blind  to  the  very  grave  possibilities  of 
future  evils,  but  in  the  hope  that  the  one  race,  wearing 
its  new  laurels,  and  using  its  new  powers  with  modesty 
and  forbearance,  would  gradually  remove  the  prejudices 
and  enlist  the  sympathies  and  cooperation  of  the  other 
race,  until  a fair  degree  of  political  homogeneity  should 
be  reached,  and  race  lines  should  cease  to  mark  the 
limits  of  political  parties. 


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HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


Three  years  had  passed,  and  the  result  is — what?  In- 
competency, dishonesty,  corruption  in  all  its  forms,  have 
“advanced  their  miscreated  fronts”;  have  put  to  flight 
the  small  remnant  that  opposed  them,  and  now  rule  the 
party  which  rules  the  state. 

You  may  imagine  the  chagrin  with  which  I make  this 
statement.  Truth  alone  compels  it.  My  eyes  see  it — 
all  my  senses  testify  to  the  startling  and  sad  fact.  I can 
never  be  indifferent  to  any  thing  which  touches  the  fair 
fame  of  that  great  national  party  to  which  all  my  deepest 
convictions  attach  me,  and  I repel  the  libel  which  the 
party  bearing  that  name  in  this  state  is  daily  pouring 
upon  us.  I am  a Republican  by  habit,  by  conviction,  by 
association ; but  my  Republicanism  is  not,  I trust,  com- 
posed solely  of  equal  parts  of  ignorance  and  rapacity. 
Such  is  the  plain  statement  of  the  present  condition  of 
the  dominant  party  of  our  state.  . . Kuklux  Rep’ t,  South 
Carolina  Testimony , p.  1250 

Fraudulent  expenditures  of  the  South  Carolina  Legislature 

Josephus  Woodruff  [formerly  Clerk  of  the  Senate], 
having  been  duly  sworn,  further  deposes  and  says : 

Under  the  head  of  supplies  was  embraced  anything 
that  a senator  chose  to  order.  Orders  were  generally 
given  through  the  clerk,  and  the  accounts  rendered 
against  the  Clerk  of  the  Senate.  At  first  these  orders 
were  moderate  and  included  only  such  necessary  arti- 
cles as  stationery  and  postage  stamps,  but  they  gen- 
erally increased  until  they  assumed  gigantic  propor- 
tions. The  accounts  were  rendered  and  made  payable 
out  of  the  Senate  contingent  fund.  From  the  com- 
mencement of  my  official  career  the  committee  to 
audit  and  control  the  contingent  expenses  of  the 
Senate  always  claimed  the  right  to  order  what  they 
pleased  and  include  in  their  reports,  under  the  names 
of  “ sundries  and  others,”  their  personal  accounts. 
The  practice  became  so  general  as  to  embrace  nearly 
every  Republican  and  some  Democratic  senators  and 
the  accounts  ordered  to  be  paid  without  inquiring  or 
a dissenting  voice.  The  reports  usually  read  as  fol- 
lows : “ The  committee  on  contingent  accounts  and 

expenses  of  the  Senate,  to  whom  was  referred  sundry 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  105 

contingent  accounts  against  the  Senate,  or  Clerk  of  the 
Senate,  have  considered  the  same,  and  recommend 
that  they  be  paid."  They  were  generally  regarded  as 
privileged  matters.  The  Senate  rule  requiring  all  re- 
ports to  lie  over  one  day  for  consideration  was  almost 
always  suspended  in  these  cases  and  the  report  con- 
sidered immediately.  They  were  agreed  to,  the  ac- 
counts ordered  to  be  paid  and  indorsed : “ Ordered 

paid.  J.  W.,  C.  S.”  Certificates  for  the  various 
amounts  were  drawn  accordingly.  Senators  would 
leave  their  accounts  with  the  chairman  of  the  com- 
mittee on  contingent  accounts,  and  when  personal 
bills  were  settled  in  this  way  they  were  returned  to 
senators  receipted.  The  largest  bills  were  rendered 
for  refreshments,  including  the  best  liquors  and  cigars, 
which  were  served  to  senators  and  their  friends  in  a 
room  next  to  the  office  of  the  Clerk  of  the  Senate. 
The  refreshment  room  was  kept  open  and  was  accessi- 
ble at  all  times.  It  was  visited  daily  by  state  officials, 
senators  and  representatives,  judges,  lawyers,  editors 
and  reporters  of  newspapers  and  citizens  generally, 
irrespective  of  party,  who  discussed  matters,  state  and 
national,  in  the  most  amiable  manner  over  a sparkling 
glass  of  champagne  or  favorite  wine  or  choice  cigars. 
I do  not  drink  or  smoke,  and  at  the  commencement  I 
stipulated  with  Mr.  Leslie,  then  chairman  of  the  com- 
mittee on  contingent  accounts,  that  an  Sno  event  was 
I as  clerk  to  be  held  responsible  individually  for  these 
refreshments.  My  porter,  Louis  Grant,  was  kept  in 
constant  attendance  on  the  refreshment  room,  gener- 
ally from  12  m.,  when  the  Senate  met,  to  2 and  3 
o’clock  next  morning.  This  matter,  like  others,  grad- 
ually assumed  the  largest  proportions.  Orders  were 
given  for  liquors  and  cig'ars,  which  were  sent  to  the 
hotels  and  residences  or  boarding  houses  of  senators 
and  their  friends,  and  enormous  bills  rendered  accord- 
ingly. Of  these  I usually  had  no  knowledge.  But 
whenever  I sent  an  order  of  my  own  for  any  special 
occasion  outside  I paid  for  them  invariably  with  my 
own  funds.  In  this  way  I secured  the  passage  of  many 
charters  for  citizens  cf  Charleston  and  elsewhere  gra- 
tuitously. 


106  HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 

In  the  commencement  of  this  business  the  members 
at  first  gave  the  merchants  of  Columbia  for  goods 
purchased  from  them  orders  to  the  clerk  to  deduct 
the  amount  from  their  pay.  The  orders  soon  largely 
exceeded  their  pay  and  the  accounts  were  then  in- 
cluded in  the  reports  of  the  committee  on  contingent  ac- 
counts to  be  paid  out  of  the  Senate  contingent  fund.  Pay 
certificates  for  accounts  audited  and  passed  were  issued 
to  the  merchants  for  almost  every  description  of  mer- 
chandise. 

During  Mr  Parker’s  term  of  office  and  part  of  Mr 
Cardozo’s,  up  to  the  time  of  specific  appropriations, 
certificates  for  stationery,  which  included  nearly 
everything,  and  for  other  accounts,  were  issued  to 
such  an  extent  that  they  were  sold  on  the  street  at 
20  and  sometimes  as  low  as  io  and  15  cents  on  the 
dollar. 

Contingent  account  certificates  for  various  amounts 
were  frequently  drawn  to  the  order  of  the  Clerk  of 
the  Senate  and  turned  over  to  the  chairman  of  the 
committee  on  contingent  accounts  for  collection  and 
distribution.  As  these  transactions  became  common 
the  senators  claimed  that  all  their  expenses  should  be 
paid  by  the  state,  or,  in  the  language  of  Mr  Leslie, 
“ the  state  had  no  right  to  be  a state  unless  it  could 
pay  and  take  care  of  its  statesmen.”  Gratification  cer- 
tificates, issued  without  any  consideration  but  for  trie 
use  of  senators,  also  became  frequent.  .But  I desire 
to  submit  to  the  committee  checks  and  other  papers 
showing  that  I endeavored  to  discharge  my  duties  as 
correctly  as  possible  under  the  circumstances. 

Testimony  of  Lezvis  Grant,  porter,  in  charge  of  “ refresh- 
ment room  ” 

A part  of  my  duty  was  to  attend  to  the  refreshment 
room  adjoining  the  room  occupied  by  the  Clerk  of 
the  Senate.  I generally  opened  the  room  at  8 o’clock 
in  the  morning  and  kept  it  open  [until]  from  2 to  4 next 
morning.  During  that  time  some  one  was  constantly 
in  the  room,  eating,  drinking  or  smoking.  Senators, 
members  of  the  House  and  state  officers  and  judges 
and  editors  of  influential  newspapers  were  constant 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  IO7 

visitors ; not  an  hour  in  the  day,  and  but  few  at  night, 
but  what  some  one  of  them  were  there  drinking  and 
smoking.  Many  of  the  senators  and  members  would 
come  to  the  room  before  breakfast,  hunting  a drink  or 
“ eye  opener.”  I can  not  estimate  the  amount  drank 
on  a average  every  day,  but  several  gallons,  with  a con- 
siderable amount  of  wine,  porter,  ale,  etc.  included. 
W e kept  the  best  article  all  the  time ; the  senators  and 
members  would  complain  if  any  but  the  best  of  cigars 
and  wines  and  liquors  were  furnished  them.  I remem- 
ber many  times  to  have  had  on  hand  what  I consid- 
ered very  good  cigars  and  liquors,  but  they  would 
complain.  I found  it  hard  to  keep  a sufficient  amount 
of  cigars  on  hand  to  supply  their  demands,  from  the 
fact  that  the  senators  and  members  on  leaving  would 
generally  fill  one  or  two  of  their  pockets.  I have  seen 
men  assembled  in  barrooms  drinking  and  carousing, 
but  I never  saw  anything  to  equal  the  refreshment 
room  of  the  Senate  for  drinking,  smoking  and  talking. 
Sunday  was  no  exception  to  the  rule.  Often,  after 
they  would  drink  heavy,  many  of  them  would  lie  down 
on  the  sofas  and  sleep  until  next  morning.  I remem- 
ber often  when  the  call  of  the  Senate  was  made  that 
the  members  would  be  in  the  refreshment  room  drink- 
ing. I thought  it  impossible  for  men  to  drink  so  much 
whisky  and  attend  to  any  business.  I remember  that 
a large  majority  of  the  men  who  assembled  at  the 
room  were  Republicans,  though  some  Democratic 
Senators  and  some  few  from  the  House  were  there. 
Senator  Holcombe  and  Biemann  and  Representative 
Smith  were  on  hand  every  day,  and  often  two  or  three 
times ; Senator  Wilson  also.  They  also  brought  their 
friends  to  drink  with  them.  The  Senate  refreshment 
room  was  where  the  members  met  to  talk  over  the 
various  jobs  that  were  under  consideration  and  make 
arrangements  as  to  how  they  would  vote  on  them. 
When  some  of  them  would  leave  they  would  put  a 
bottle  of  champagne  in  their  pockets.  The  room  was 
kept  open  and  refreshments  received  from  the  time  1 
was  appointed  porter.  I occupy  the  same  position 
now,  but  since  Governor  Hampton  took  charge  of  the 
State  House  no  refreshments  have  been  served;  that  busi- 
ness has  been  stopped!  ! 


io8 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


Cost  of  public  printing:  comparative  statistics 

Session  of  1868-69 $21  124  00 

1869-70 45000  00 

“ 1870-71 152465  00 

1871- 72 173000  00 

1872- 73 450000  00 

1773-74 38500000 

“ 1874-75 50000  00 

“ 1875-76 50000  00 

Total  cost  from  1868  to  1876 $1  326  589  00 

Total  cost  from  1790  to  1868 60900000 

Showing  an  excess  of  cost  for  printing  during 
eight  years  of  Republican  administration  over 

the  78  previous  years  of $717589  00 

Average  cost  of  printing  under  Republican  ad- 
ministration a year 165823  00 

Average  cost  of  printing  under  “ old  regime  ” 

a year 7 807  00 

Cost  of  printing  under  Hampton  administration 

one  year  6 178  00 

Amounts  appropriated  session  of  1872-73,  Re- 
publican administration 450  000  00 

Total  for  25  years,  “old  regime.”  (1840-66) 278251  00 

Excess  of  cost  of  printing  for  one  year  of  Re- 
publican administration  over  that  of  the  “old 

regime”  for  25  years 171  749  00 

Total  for  15  months  under  Republican  adminis- 
tration  835  000  00 

Cost  of  printing  for  78  years  under  “ old 
regime  ” 609  000  00 


$226  600  00 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  IO9 


Excess  of  cost  of  printing  under  Republican  ad- 
ministration for  15  months  over  that  of  “old 

regime”  for  78  years,  as  above $226000  00 

Cost  of  printing  a month  under  Republican  ad- 
ministration   55  666  00 

Cost  a month  under  Hampton  administration..  514  80 


Specimen  bills  for  legislative  “supplies” 


[In  one  session  the  “supplies"  amounted  to  $350,000,  $125,000  of  which  was 
spent  in  keeping  up  the  “ refreshment  room  " where  officials  and  their 
friends  were  supplied  free  of  cost.  This  room  was  kept  open  for  18  to  20 
hours  a day  for  six  years.  “Refreshments”  were  also  sent  to  the  houses  of 
the  members  and  even  to  their  country  homes  when  the  Legislature  was 
not  in  session.] 


1 10 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


Columbia  S.  C.,  1871 

Mr  Josephus  Woodruff  (Clerk  of  Senate). 

Bought  of  George  Symmers,  Commission  merchant 

Wholesale  and  retail  dealer  in  groceries,  provisions,  wines, 
liquors,  cigars  etc. 


Feb.  25  1 case  champagne,  W.  E.  H.  (Senator  W. 

E.  Holcombe,  sent  to  Columbia  Hotel).  $50  00 

1 box  cigars,  $10;  2 gallons  whisky,  $16,  W.  „ 

E.  H.  (Senator  W.  E.  Holcombe,  sent  to 
Columbia  Hotel)  26  00 

27  3 dozen  ale,  $10.50;  2 dozen  porter,  $7 17  50 

Discount  of  draft 35  00 

1 gallon  best  brandy,  $20;  1 gallon  best 

sherry,  $12,  for  W.  E.  H.  (Senator  W.  E. 
Holcombe,  Columbia  Hotel) 32  00 

2 boxes  cigars,  $12.50 — $25;  demijohns, 

$1.50,  for  W.  E.  H.  (Senator  W.  E.  Hol- 
combe, Columbia  Hotel)  26  50 

28  1 gallon  whisky,  $7;  1 box  cigars,  $12.50.  . . 19  50 

. 1 case  champagne,  $50;  3 boxes  cigars, 

$15— $45  95  00 

2 gallons  whisky,  $8 — $16;  1 gallon  sherry, 

$12  (Senator  D.  Biemann) 28  00 

1 gallon  brandy,  $20;  jug  and  demijohn,  $2 
(Senator  D.  Biemann) 22  00 


$35i  50 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  III 


Columbia  S.  C.,  1870 


John  Williams,  Sergeant-at-arms, 

Bought  of  J.  H.  & M.  L.  Kinard 

Wholesale  and  retail  dealers  in  dry  goods,  carpetings,  oil- 
cloths, window  shades  and  fancy  goods 


First  door  south  of  Columbia  Hotel 

1870 

Nov.  26  1 comb  and  brush $2  75 

29  y2  dozen  towels,  $6 3 00 

3 L.  C.  handkerchiefs,  25c — 75c,  and  3 at 

37/4  o — $1.13 1 88 

5 yards  brown  homespun,  10c 50 

Dec.  1 y2  dozen  towels,  $6 3 00 

4 hair  brushes,  $1 4 00 

4 dressing  combs,  75c 3 00 

2 1 bottle  extract 1 25 

1 bottle  cologne 2 50 

1 valise  9 00 

5 50  yards  cocoa  matting,  $1.25 62  50 

12  100  yards  cocoa  matting,  $1.25 125  00 

13  3 wood  boxes,  $1 3 00 

14  1 dozen  linen  collars 3 00 

3 1 pair  suspenders 75 

1 stereoscope 1 50 

1 portemonnaie  2 00 

Matting,  tacks  and  hammer 1 25 

1 skirt,  $5.50;  1 shawl,  $7;  1 set,  $6 18  50 

1 set  12  00 

16  1 pair  gloves,  $2.50;  2 hairbrushes,  $1 — $2..  . 4 50 

2 combs,  75c — $1.50 1 50 

19  1 job  lot  soap,  $1.75;  1 boulevard,  $4.50...  6 25 

21  1 pair  blankets 12  00 

Jan.  5 1 pair  corsets 3 00 


$287  63 


1 12 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


Extract  from  report  of  the  investigating  committee 

We  feel  that  this  report  would  be  incomplete  if  we 
failed  to  present  to  the  General  Assembly  the  list  of 
articles  bought  and  paid  for  by  the  state  for  the  use 
of  her  “ statesmen.”  It  has  been  accurately  copied 
from  the  various  accounts  turned  over  to  your  com- 
mittee by  the  Clerks  of  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives. 

REFRESHMENTS,  WINES  AND  LIQUORS 

Heidsick  champagne,  green  seal  do.,  vin  imperial 
do.,  Verzenay  do.,  Moet  and  Chandon  do.,  scupper- 
nong,  sparkling  Moselle,  Catawba,  Chateau  la  Rose 
claret,  Chateau  La  Fitte  claret,  imperial  pale  sherry, 
best  Madeira,  port  and  malaga  wines,  blackberry  wine, 
finest  otard-du-puy  brandy,  finest  French  cognac  do., 
Baker,  cabinet,  rye,  Bourbon,  nectar  and  coin 
whiskies,  Holland  gin,  Jamaica  rum,  cases  of  Hos- 
tetter’s,  Indian,  Kerr’s,  Russian,  boker,  St  Domingo 
and  wine  bitters,  Congress  water,  best  bottled  ale, 
lager  and  porter,  sarsaparilla,  Curacoa,  maraschino, 
ale  by  the  cask. 


CIGARS  AND  TOBACCO 

Imported  Brevas,  Partagas,  Espanolas,  Espanola 
Londres,  Conchas,  Live  Indian,  Pantillo,  Espanola 
Conchas,  finest  plug  tobacco,  finest  cut  chewing 
tobacco,  Durham  and  best  smoking  tobacco. 


REFRESHMENTS,  GROCERIES  AND  DELICACIES 

Best  Westphalia  hams,  Bologna  sausages,  bacon 
strips,  diamond  hams,  Java  and  Rio  coffee,  pineapple, 
Edam,  Switzer  and  English  cheese,  gilt  edge  butter, 
sardines,  smoked  and  canned  salmon,  smoked  beef  and 
buffalo  tongues,  canned  oysters  and  lobsters,  fresh 
Norfolk  oysters,  deviled  ham,  black  and  green  teas, 
French  chocolate,  olive  oil,  catsups  Worcester  and 
pepper  sauces,  imported  mushrooms,  preserved  ginger, 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76 


113 

Guava  jelly,  pickles,  brandy  cherries  and  peaches, 
lemon  syrup,  assorted  extracts,  sea  foam,  citron,  as- 
sorted nuts,  lemons,  oranges,  wax  and  adamantine 
candles,  Colgate,  fancy  and  toilet  soaps,  starch,  table 
and  Liverpool  salt,  kerosene  oil,  bacon,  sides  and 
shoulders,  English  mustard,  vinegar,  mackerel,  con- 
centrated lye,  Orleans  and  fancy  syrups  and  molasses, 
assorted  English  crackers  and  biscuits,  condensed 
milk,  parlor  matches,  Irish  potatoes,  leaf  lard,  assorted 
pepper,  sugar,  flour  and  pearl  grist. 

FURNITURE 

Finest  walnut  office  chairs,  office  desks,  continental 
chairs,  washstands,  hat  racks,  marble  top  washstands, 
wardrobes,  library  tables,  marble  top  sideboards,  book 
cases,  hair  seat  rocking  chairs,  large  and  small  easy 
chairs,  marble  top  bureaus,  saloon  tables,  bedsteads, 
opera  chairs,  leather  seat  chairs,  cane  seat  chairs, 
stuffed  back  chairs,  stuffed  back  arm  chairs,  com- 
modes, umbrella  stands,  large  library  book  cases,  small 
library  book  cases,  oval  library  tables  with  carved  legs, 
red  rep  lounges,  green  rep  lounges,  finest  plush  velvet 
tete-a-tetes,  finest  walnut  fancy  rep  tete-a-tetes,  large 
and  small  Gothic  chairs,  Prescott  arm  chairs,  extra 
large  striped  red  Prescott  arm  chairs,  green  rep  French 
lounges,  large  shelf-back  marble  top  washstands, 
counter  desks,  hat  stands,  marble  top  tables,  crimson 
plush  sofas,  large  looking  glasses,  superior  refrigera- 
tors, large  willow  chairs,  towel  racks,  folding  chairs, 
fine  coffin,  fine  cradle,  bed  lounges,  fancy  fire  screens 
extra  large  and  heavy  cotton  mattresses,  extra  large 
and  heavy  feather  beds,  extra  large  and  heavy  feather 
bolsters,  extra  large  and  heavy  feather  pillows,  double 
spring  mattresses,  cot  and  mattresses,  sponge  pillows, 
sponge  bolsters,  sponge  mattresses,  gilt  mantel  mir- 
rors. 

FURNISHINGS 

Finest  English  tapestry  Brussels  carpeting,  English 
body  Brussels  carpeting,  three-ply  ingrain  carpeting, 
English  velvet  rugs,  English  velvet  door  mats,  Eng- 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


1 14 

lish  thread  door  mats,  English  oilcloths,  English  vel- 
vet hassocks,  cocoa  mats,  cocoa,  matting,  rich  heavy 
cornices,  satin  delaine  curtains,  lambrequins,  window 
shades  and  fixtures,  large  cords  and  tassels,  gimps, 
brocatel  curtains  and  trimmings,  gold  bound  shades 
and  spring  rollers,  white  and  checked  mattings,  dry 
goods,  finest  French  velvets,  extra  fine  large  gray 
hair  cloth,  silk  damask,  linen  damask  tablecloth,  linen 
damask  wire  cloth,  Irish  linens,  billiard  tablecloths, 
linen  towels,  woolen  blankets,  linen  d’oylies,  linen 
napkins,  imported  flannels,  imported  insertions,  im- 
ported edgings,  finest  dress  goods — all  kinds,  honey- 
comb quilts,  Marseilles  quilts,  shawls,  linen  sheeting, 
linen  pillow  casing,  linen  shirting,  cotton  shirting,  sheet- 
ing, cotton  pillow  casing,  imported  kid  gloves,  ladies’ 
satchels,  men’s  white  and  brown  hosiery,  linen  cam- 
bric handkerchiefs,  ladies’  hoods,  cambrics,  ribbons  of 
all  qualities,  fine  plaid  goods,  extra  long  bath  towels, 
pieces  of  crepe,  scissors,  skirt  braids  and  pins,  baize, 
spool  cotton,  prints,  tooth  brushes,  hair  brushes,  heavy 
combs,  flax,  buttons,  whale-bone,  ginghams,  hooks  and 
eyes,  boulevard  skirts,  bustles,  extra  long  stockings, 
chignons,  palpitators,  garters,  chemises,  under  vests, 
parasols,  sun  umbrellas. 

CLOTHING 

In  general  assortment  and  variety. 


JEWELRY  AND  FANCY  GOODS 

Gold  watches  and  chains,  rich  sets  gold  jewelry, 
diamond  rings,  diamond  pins,  gold  lockets,  gold 
charms,  gold  finger  rings,  gold  necklaces,  gold  pencil 
cases,  gold  pens,  gold  breastpins,  ivory-handled  knives, 
and  forks,  pen  and  pocket  knives,  tea  spoons,  table 
spoons,  table  forks,  call  bells,  extra  fine  table  castors,  rich 
toilet  sets,  pocket  pistols,  Japanned  tea  trays,  cuckoo 
clocks,  extra  fine  Belgian  marble  mantel  clocks,  French 
china  vases,  French  artificial  flowers,  ladies’  fine  work 
boxes,  finest  colognes,  French  extracts,  bottles  Florida 
water,  gold  and  rubber  pens  and  holders,  pocket  books, 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  1 1 5 


stereoscopes  and  views,  writing  desks,  ladies’  portemon- 
naies,  French  mantel  clocks,  key  rings,  tape  measures, 
feather  dusting  brushes,  plated  spoons,  baskets,  Web- 
ster's Unabridged  Dictionary,  latest  and  most  expen- 
sive library  works,  drop  lights,  sixty-four  light  chan- 
deliers, twenty-seven  light  chandeliers,  six  light  chan- 
deliers, five  light  chandeliers,  four  light  chandeliers, 
four  light  bracket  chandeliers,  fine  cornices  with  gilt 
eagles,  fine  shiems  with  coat  of  arms. 

CROCKERY  AND  GLASSWARE 

Champagne  glasses,  salt  cellars,  cup  plates,  decan- 
ters, tumblers,  ornamental  cuspadores,  extra  fine  punch 
mugs,  fancy  granite  chamber  set,  fancy  lamps,  wash 
basins,  soap  boxes  and  trays,  French  China  coffee  cups, 
French  China  dinner  sets,  French  China  cups  and 
saucers,  French  China  candlesticks,  fine  glass  globes, 
all  sizes,  decorated  spittoons,  decorated  tulip  toilet 
sets,  decorated  tulip  oval  pitchers,  rich  cut  goblets 
with  monograms. 

PRINTING  MATTER,  ETC. 

Warrants  of  arrest,  recognizances,  summonses,  elec- 
tion tickets,  contracts,  articles  of  agreement,  lodge  cir- 
culars, visiting  cards,  diaries,  Morocco  memorandum 
books,  perpetual  calendars,  packages  finest  initial  note 
paper,  reams  Juniata  paper,  scrap  books,  envelopes, 
ink,  mucilage,  wall  paper,  bordering,  lead  pencils,  rul- 
ing pens,  paper  weights,  letter  clips,  bill  files,  rubber 
bands,  paper  cutters,  sponge  cups,  envelope  openers, 
inkstands,  ink  vents,  slate  pencils,  rulers,  magic  ivory, 
leather  and  black  pencils. 

STOCK  ETC. 

Fine  horses,  mules,  carriages,  buggies  and  harness. 

SUNDRIES 

Egg  coal,  cords  oak  wood,  cords  light  wood,  and- 
irons, fenders,  shovel  and  tongs,  grate  baskets,  stoves, 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


116 

pipes,  coffee  biggins,  tea  pots,  sauce  pans,  cooking 
stoves  and  utensils,  tin  buckets,  tin  cases,  blacking, 
blacking  brushes,  jugs,  bags,  demijohns,  lead  pipes, 
lanterns,  brooms,  fruit  jars  and'  elastics,  kegs,  wash 
tubs,  wash  boards,  cork  screws,  slop  pails,  dusters  and 
dust  pans,  foot  tubs,  manila  paper,  hand  saws,  files, 
axes,  water  coolers,  granite  chambers,  bed  pans,  coffee 
mills,  axe  helves,  stove  polish.  The  South  Carolina  docu- 
ments are  from  Fleming,  Documents  relating  to  Recon- 
struction, nos.  4-5 

The  Kuklux  movement 

1 A scalawag’s  view  of  the  causes  of  the  movement. 

2 Extracts  from  the  ritual  of  the  Knights  of  the  White 

Camelia. 

3 Initiation  oaths  of  the  White  Brotherhood  and  the 

Invisible  Empire. 

4 Extracts  from  the  revised  and  amended  prescript  of 

Kuklux  Ivlan. 

5 A Kuklux  order. 

6 Principles  of  the  ’76  Association. 

7 A case  of  Kukluxing. 


A scalawag's  view  of  the  causes  of  the  Kuklux  movement 

. . . The  14th  amendment  . . . made  the  negroes 
citizens,  effectually  changed  this  whole  status  of  his  situa- 
tion, and  . . . aroused  all  prejudices  and  hostility  of  the 
southern  people  . . . The  third  section  . . . disqualify- 
ing a large  class  of  white  men,  and  many  of  them  the 
best  men  in  the  state,  to  hold  office,  while  at  the  time 
when  it  was  adopted  in  Alabama  negroes  were  eligible  to 
office,  greatly  intensified  the  bitterness,  and,  in  my  opinion, 
in  the  minds  of  some  who  otherwise  might  have  been  in- 
duced to  sustain  the  government  in  its  reconstruction 
policy,  created  such  a prejudice  that  they  became  in- 
different or  opposed  to  it.  The  reconstruction  measures 
ot  Congress  were  regarded  by  the  great  body  of  the  white 
people  of  the  South  as  usurpations,  unconstitutional,  and 
void,  and  all  who  sustained  them  were  most  bitterly  de- 
nounced as  enemies  to  the  people.  These  measures,  con- 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-/6  II7 


ferring  on  the  negroes  the  rights  of  citizens,  under  these 
acts  even  the  right  to  vote  in  reconstructing  the  state,  met 
all  the  prejudice,  bitter  hostility,  and  denunciations  that 
could  well  be  entertained  by  any  people,  and  every  preju- 
dice and  passion  was  appealed  to  to  bring  them  into 
odium  and  contempt,  and  defeat,  if  possible,  their  opera- 
tion . . When  Congress  admitted  the  state  of  Alabama 
under  this  Constitution,  they  regarded  it  as  a violation  of 
the  plighted  faith  of  Congress ; and  while  hostility  and  op- 
position to  the  principles  of  the  newly  constructed  state 
were  already  as  strong  as  human  nature  was  capable  of 
entertaining,  this  greatly  added  fuel  to  the  smothered 
fire  of  opposition,  and  it  broke  out  in  volcanic  flames  of 
denunciation,  that  appealed  to  all  the  prejudices  of  race, 
passions  of  hate,  that  it  was  possible  to-  be  entertained  by 
a brave  and  chivalrous  people.  The  whole  reconstruction 
policy  was  denounced  as  a tyrannical  usurpation,  the 
government  as  a usurped  negro  government,  and  every 
officer  as  a mean,  tyrannical  usurper — a government  that 
placed  negroes  over  and  made  white  men  subject  to 
negro  rule.  This  led  to  a bitterness,  to  social  and  busi- 
ness ostracism  and  proscription,  to  outrages  of  person,  to 
whippings,  lynchings,  murders,  and  assassinations  of  per- 
sons who  favored  the  government,  and  especially  to 
negroes  who  set  up  to  enjoy  the  rights ‘thus  conferred, 
the  one  half  of  which,  in  my  opinion  never  has  and  prob- 
ably never  will  be  told,  a great  deal  of  which  was  done  by 
disguised  bauds ; and  while,  in  my  opinion,  a compara- 
tively few  were  actually  engaged  in  these  acts,  such  were 
the  hostility  and  hatred  of  the  great  mass  that  they  felt 
but  little  disposition  to  actively  intervene  to  prevent 
similar  outrages  or  to  punish  those  who  did  commit 
. . . When  the  war  was  over,  the  southern  people  had 
no  idea,  while  they  expected  slavery  to  be  .abolished,  that 
their  slaves  were  to  be  made  their  political  equals ; and 
when  this  was  done,  and  a constitution,  as  they  con- 
sidered, forced  upon  them,  that  they  considered  they  had 
defeated.  My  opinion  [is]  that  the  great  mass  felt,  as  I 
believe  any  other  good,  hrave,  and  chivalrous  people  feel- 
ing and  believing  as  they  did  would  have  felt ; believing, 
as  I do,  that  this  bitterness  and  hostility  was  for  political 
causes ; that  the  great  mass  of  the  people  are  as  good  as 
any  other  people ; I am  of  opinion  that  when  once  they 


Il8  HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 

see  that  the  people  of  the  nation  are  determined  to  sustain 
the  reconstruction  policy  of  Congress  and  President 
Grant ; that  the  present  status  is  to  he  the  fixed  status 
of  the  government ; when  they  abandon  the  idea,  which, 
in  my  opinion,  had  its  origin  more  in  passion  than  reason, 
of  overthrowing  or  disregarding  as  null  and  void  the 
reconstruction  14th  and  15th  amendments,  and  the  con- 
gressional legislation  under  them,  they  will  accept  the 
situation — reason  assume  its  throne  . . . This  is 
founded  in  my  fixed  opinion  that  these  outrages  grow  out 
of  political  causes,  political  passions,  and  hates,  and  that 
when  these  hates  and  passions  subside,  whatever  is  per- 
sonal and  done  by  bad  men,  all  good  men,  uniting  in  good 
and  serious  earnestness,  will  soon  be  able  to  put  it  down. 
If  I was  of  opinion,  or  could  be  made  to  believe,  all  the 
outrages  that  are  known  to  have  been  committed  was 
from  mere  personal  hate,  malice,  and  pure  wickedness 
of  heart,  and  that  whole  communities,  standing  by,  either 
sympathizing  or  looking  on  indifferentlv,  and  in  many  in- 
stances inflaming  the  minds  of  the  people  against  victims, 
instead  of  seeking  to  punish  the  perpetrators  ; in  that  view 
1 should  not  and  could  not  entertain  the  opinion  or  hope 
of  good  from  such  a people  actuated  by  such  passions.  I 
would  as  soon  expect  the  “ leopard  to  change  his  spots, 
or  the  Ethiopian  his  skin  ” as  to  see  such  a community 
amend  its  ways.  Kuklux  Report , Alabama  Testimony , p. 
567  [/.  A.  Minnis ] 

Extracts  from  the  ritual  of  the  Knights  of  the  White 
Camelia 

QUESTIONS  ASKED  IN  WHITE  CAMELIA  INITIATION 

1 Do  you  belong  to  the  white  race  ? Ans. — I do. 

2 Did  you  ever  marry  any  woman  who  did  not,  or  does 
not,  belong' to  the  white  race?  Ans. — No. 

3 Do  you  promise  never  to  marry  any  woman  but  one 
who  belongs  to  the  white  race?  Ans.- — I do. 

4 Do  you  believe  in  the  superiority  of  your  race?  Ans. 
— I do. 

5 Will  you  promise  never  to  vote  for  any  one  for  any 
office  of  honor,  profit  or  trust,  who  does  not  belong  to 
vour  race  ? Ans. — I do. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  II9 

6 Will  you  take  a solemn  oath  never  to  abstain  from 
casting  your  vote  at  any  election  in  which  a candidate  of 
the  negro  race  shall  be  opposed  to  a white  man  attached 
to  your  principles,  unless  prevented  by  severe  illness  or 
any  other  physical  disability  ? Ans. — I will. 

7 Are  you  opposed  to  allowing  the  control  of  the  politi- 
cal affairs  of  this  country  to  go  in  whole  or  in  part,  into 
the  hands  of  the  African  race,  and  will  you  do  everything 
in  your  power  to  prevent  it?  Ans. — Yes. 

8 Will  you  devote  your  intelligence,  energy  and  influ- 
ence to  the  furtherance  and  propagation  of  the  principles 
of  our  order?  Ans. — I will. 

Q Will  you,  under  all  circumstances,  defend  and  pro- 
tect persons  of  the  white  race  in  their  lives,  rights  and 
property,  against  all  encroachments  or  invasions  from  any 
inferior  race,  and  especially  the  African?  Ans. — Yes. 

10  Are  you  willing  to  take  an  oath  forever  to-  cherish 
these  grand  principles,  and  to  unite  yourself  with  others 
who,  like  you,  believing  in  their  truth,  have  firmly  bound 
themselves  to  stand  by  and  defend  them  against  all  ? Ans. 
— I am. 

The  Cfommander]  shall  then  say:  If  you  consent  to 
join  our  association,  raise  your  right  hand  and  I will  ad- 
minister to  you  the  oath  which  we  have  all  taken : 

OATH 

I do  solemnly  swear,  in  the  presence  of  these  witnesses, 
never  to  reveal,  without  authority,  the  existence  of  this 
order,  its  objects,  its  acts,  and  signs  of  recognition ; never 
to  reveal  or  publish,  in  any  manner  whatsoever,  what  I 
shall  see  or  hear  in  this  council;  never  to  divulge  the 
names  of  the  members  of  the  order,  or  their  acts  done  in 
connection  therewith ; I swear  to  maintain  and  defend  the 
social  and  political  superiority  of  the  white  race  on  this 
continent ; always  and  in  all  places  to  observe  a marked 
distinction  between  the. white  and  African  races;  to  vote 
for  none  but  white  men  for  any  office  of  honor,  profit  or 
trust;  to  devote  my  intelligence,  energy  and  influence  to 
instil  these  principles  in  the  minds  and  hearts  of  others ; 
and  to  protect  and  defend  persons  of  the  white  race,  in 
their  lives,  rights  and  property,  against  the  encroachments 
and  aggressions  of  an  inferior  race. 


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I swear,  moreover,  to  unite  myself  in  heart,  soul  and 
body  with  those  who  compose  this  order;  to  aid,  protect 
and  defend  them  in  all  places ; to  obey  the  orders  of  those, 
who,  by  our  statutes,  will  have  the  right  of  giving  those 
orders;  to  respond  at  the  peril  of  my  life,  to  a call,  sign 
or  cry  coming  from  a fellow-member  whose  rights  are 
violated ; and  to  do  everything  in  my  power  to  assist  him 
through  life.  And  to  the  faithful  performance  of  this 
oath,  I pledge  my  life  and  sacred  honor. 

The  oath  having  been  taken  by  the  candidate,  the 
C[omm:ander]  shall  now  say: 

Brother,  by  virtue  of  the  authority  to  me  delegated,  I 
nowr  pronounce  you  a Knight  of  the  [White  Camelia]. 


CHARGE  TO  NEW  MEMBERS  OF  THE  WHITE  CAMELIA 

Brothers:  You  have  been  initiated  into  one  of  the 
most  important  orders,  which  have  ever  been  estab- 
lished on  this  continent ; an  order,  which,  if  its  princi- 
ples are  faithfully  observed  and  its  objects  diligently 
carried  out,  is  destined  to  regenerate  our  unfortunate 
country  and  to  relieve  the  white  race  from  the  humili- 
ating condition  to  which  it  has  lately  been  reduced  in 
this  Republic.  It  is  necessary,  therefore,  that  before 
taking  part  in  the  labors  of  this  association,  you 
should  understand  fully  its  principles  and  objects  and 
the  duties  which  devolve  upon  you  as  one  of  its  mem- 
bers. 

As  you  may  have  already  gathered  from  the  ques- 
tions which  were  propounded  to  you,  and  which  you 
have  answered  so  satisfactorily,  and  from  the  clauses 
of  the  oath  which  you  have  taken,  our  main  and  funda- 
mental object  is  the  maintenance  of  the  supremacy  of 
the  white  race  in  this  Republic.  History  and  physi- 
ology teach  us  that  we  belong-  to  a race  which  nature 
has  endowed  with  an  evident  superiority  over  all  other 
races,  and  that  the  Maker,  in  thus  elevating  us  above 
the  common  standard  of  human  creation,  has  intended 
to  give  us  over  inferior  races,  a dominion  from  which 
no  human  laws  can  permanently  derogate.  The  ex- 
perience of  ages  demonstrates  that,  from  the  origin  of 
the  world,  this  dominion  has  always  remained  in  the 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  121 


hands  of  the  Caucasian  race ; whilst  all  the  other 
races  have  constantly  occupied  a subordinate  and 
secondary  position ; a fact  which  triumphantly  con- 
firms this  great  law  of  nature.  Powerful  nations  have  suc- 
ceeded each  other  on  the  face  of  the  world,  and  have 
marked  their  passage  by  glorious  and  memorable  deeds ; 
and  among  those  who  have  thus  left  on  this  globe  indeli- 
ble traces  of  their  splendor  and  greatness,  we  find  none 
but  descended  from  the  Caucasian  stock.  We  see,  on 
the  contrary,  that  most  of  the  countries  inhabited  by 
the  other  races  have  remained  in  a state  of  complete 
barbarity;  whilst  the  small  number  of  those  who  have 
advanced  beyond  this  savage  existence,  have,  for  cen- 
turies, stagnated  in  a semibarbarous  condition,  of 
which  there  can  be  no  progress  or  improvement.  And 
it  is  a remarkable  fact  that  as  a race  of  men  is  more 
remote  from  the  Caucasian  and  approaches  nearer  to 
the  black  African,  the  more  fatally  that  stamp  of  in- 
feriority is  affixed  to  its  sons,  and  irrevocably  dooms 
them  to  eternal  imperfectibility  and  degradation. 

Convinced  that  we  are  of  these  elements  of  natural 
ethics,  we  know,  besides,  that  the  government  of  our 
republic  was  established  by  white  men,  for  white  men 
alone,  and  that  it  never  was  in  the  contemplation  of 
its  founders  that  it  should  fall  into  the  hands  of  an 
inferior  and  degraded  race.  We  hold,  therefore,  that 
any  attempt  to  wrest  from  the  white  race  the  manage- 
ment of  its  affairs  in  order  to  transfer  it  to  the  control  of 
the  black  population,  is  an  invasion  of  the  sacred  pre- 
rogatives vouchsafed  to  us  by  the  Constitution,  and 
a violation  of  the  laws  established  by  God  himself ; 
that  such  encroachments  are  subversive  of  the  estab- 
lished institutions  of  our  Republic,  and  that  no  indi- 
vidual of  the  white  race  can  submit  to  them  without 
humiliation  and  shame. 

It.  then,  becomes  our  solemn  duty,  as  white  men, 
to  resist  strenuously  and  persistently  those  attempts 
against  our  natural  and  constitutional  rights,  and  to  do 
everything  in  our  power  in  order  to  maintain,  in  this 
Republic,  the  supremacy  of  the  Caucasian  race,  and 
restrain  the  black  or  African  race  to  that  condition  of 
social  and  political  inferiority  for  which  God  has  des- 
tined it.  This  is  the  object  for  which  our  order  was 


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instituted ; and,  in  carrying  it  out,  we  intend  to  in- 
fringe no  laws,  to  violate  no  rights,  and  to  resort  to 
no  forcible  means,  except  for  purposes  of  legitimate  and 
necessary  defense. 

As  an  essential  condition  of  success,  this  order  pro- 
scribes absolutely  all  social  equality  between  the 
races.  If  we  were  to  admit  persons  of  African  race 
on  the  same  level  with  ourselves,  a state  of  personal 
relations  would  follow  which  would  unavoidably  lead 
to  political  equality;  for  it  would  be  a virtual  recogni- 
tion of  status,  after  which  we  could  not  consistently 
deny  them  an  equal  share  in  the  administration  of  our 
public  affairs.  The  man  who  is  good  enough  to  be 
our  familiar  companion,  is  good  enough  also  to  par- 
ticipate in  our  political  government ; and  if  we  were  to 
grant  the  one,  there  could  be  no  good  reason  for  us  not 
to  concede  the  other  of  these  two  privileges. 

There  is  another  reason,  brothers,  for  which  we 
condemn  this  social  equality.  Its  toleration  would 
soon  be  a fruitful  source  of  intermarriages  between 
individuals  of  the  two  races ; and  the  result  of  this 
miscegenation  would  be  gradual  amalgamation  and  the 
production  of  a degenerate  and  bastard  offspring,  which 
would  soon  populate  these  states  with  a degraded  and 
ignoble  population,  incapable  of  moral  and  intellectual 
development  and  unfitted  to  support  a great  and  power- 
ful country.  We  must  maintain  the  purity  of  the  white 
blood,  if  we  would  preserve  for  it  that  natural  superiority 
with  which  God  has  ennobled  it. 

To  avoid  these  evils,  therefore,  we  take  the  obligation 
to  observe  a marked,  distinction  between  the  tzvo  races, 
not  only  in  the  relations  of  public  affairs,  but  also  in  the 
more  intimate  dealings  and  intercourse  of  private  life 
which,  by  the  frequency  of  their  occurrence,  are  more 
apt  to  have  an  influence  on  the  attainment  of  the  pur- 
poses of  the  order. 

Now  that  I have  laid  before  you  the  objects  of  this 
association  let  me  charge  you  specially  in  relation  to  one 
of  your  most  important  duties  as  one  of  its  members. 
Our  statutes  make  us  bound  to  respect  sedulously  the 
rights  of  the  colored  inhabitants  of  this  Republic,  and 
in  every  instance,  to  give  them  whatever  lawfully  be- 
longs to  them.  It  is  an  act  of  simple  justice  not  to  deny 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  1 23 

them  any  of  the  privileges  to  which  they  are  legitimately 
entitled ; and  we  can  not  better  show  the  inherent  superi- 
ority of  our  race  than  by  dealing  with  them  in  that  spirit 
of  firmness,  liberality  and  impartiality  which  character- 
izes all  superior  organizations.  Besides,  it  would  be  un- 
generous for  us  to  undertake  to  restrict  them  to  the 
narrowest  limits  as  to  the  exercise  of  certain  rights,  with- 
out conceding  to  them,  at  the  same  time,  the  fullest  meas- 
ure of  those  which  we  recognize  as  theirs ; and  a fair 
construction  of  a white  man’s  duty  towards  them  would 
be,  not  only  to  respect  and  observe  their  acknowledged 
rights,  but  also  to  see  that  these  are  respected  and  ob- 
served by  others. 

From  the  brief  explanation  which  I have  just  given 
you,  you  must  have  satisfied  yourselves  that  our  associa- 
tion is  not  a political  party,  and  has  no  connection  with 
any  of  the  organized  parties  of  the  day.  Nor  will  it  lend 
itself  to  the  personal  advancement  of  individuals,  or  listen 
to  the  cravings  of  any  partizan  spirit.  It  was  organized 
in  order  to  carry  out  certain  great  principles  from  which 
it  must  never  swerve  by  favoring  private  ambitions  and 
political  aspirations.  These,  as  well  as  all  sentiments  of 
private  enmity,  animosity  and  other  personal  feelings, 
we  must  leave  at  the  door  before  we  enter  this  council. 
You  may  meet  here,  congregated  together,  men  who 
belong  to  all  the  political  organizations  which  now  divide 
or  may  divide,  this  country,  you  see  some  whom  embit- 
tered feuds  and  irreconcilable  hatred  have  long  and  widely 
separated ; they  have  all  cast  away  these  rankling  feelings 
to  unite  cordially  and  zealously  in  the  labors  of  our 
great  undertaking.  Let  their  example  be  to  you  a useful 
lesson  of  the  disinterestedness  and  devotedness  which 
should  characterize  our  efforts  for  the  success  of  our 
cause ! 

Brothers,  I now  consign  you  to  the  Lieutenant  Com- 
mander of  this  council,  who  will  instruct  you  as  to  the 
signs  and  other  means  of  recognition  of  this  association 
and  other  details  of  its  organization  and  order. 

The  Lieut [enant]  Commander  will  now  instruct  the 
new  brothers  as  to  the  sign,  grip,  cry,  dialogue,  rap,  pass- 
word etc.,  taking  care  to  charge  them  particularly  as  to 
the  circumstances  and  occasion  of  their  use.  He  will  also 
inform  them  of  the  mode  of  initiation  and  other  details 


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of  order  which  they  are  required  to  know.  Fleming, 
Documents , no.  i 

Initiation  oath  of  the  White  Brotherhood  ' 

You  solemnly  swear  in  the  presence  of  Almighty  God 
that  you  will  never  reveal  the  name  of  the  person  who 
initiated  you ; and  that  you  will  never  reveal  what  is  now 
about  to  come  to  your  knowledge;  and  that  you  are  not 
now  a member  of  the  Red  String  Order,  Union  League, 
Heroes  of  America,  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  or  any 
other  organization  whose  aim  and  intention  is  to  destroy 
the  rights  of  the  South,  or  of  the  states,  or  of  the  people, 
or  to  elevate  the  negro  to  a political  equality  with  your- 
self ; and  that  you  are  opposed  to  all  such  principles : So 
help  you  God. 

You  further  swear  before  Almighty  God  that  you  will 
be  true  to  the  principles  of  this  brotherhood,  and  the 
members  thereof ; and  that  you  will  never  reveal  any  of 
the  secrets,  orders,  acts,  or  edicts,  and  that  you  will  never 
make  known  to  any  person,  not  a member  of  this  brother- 
hood, that  you  are  a member  yourself,  or  who  are  mem- 
bers ; that  you  will  never  assist  in  initiating,  or  allow  to 
be  initiated,  if  you  can  prevent  it,  any  one  oelonging  to 
the  Red  String  Order,  Union  League,  Lleroes  of  Amer- 
ica, Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  or  any  holding  radical 
views  or  opinions ; and  should  any  members  of  this 
brotherhood,  or  their  families  be  in  danger,  you  will 
inform  them  of  their  danger,  and,  if  necessary,  you  will  go 
to  their  assistance ; and  that  you  will  oppose  all  radicals 
and  negroes  in  all  of  their  political  designs ; and  that 
should  any  radical  or  negro  impose  on,  abuse,  or  injure 
any  member  of  this  brotherhood,  you  will  assist  in  pun- 
ishing him  in  any  manner  the  camp  may  direct. 

You  further  swear  that  you  will  obey  all  calls  and 
summonses  of  the  chief  of  your  camp  or  brotherhood, 
should  it  be  in  your  power  so  to  do. 

Given  upon  this  your  obligation,  that  you  will  never 
give  the  word  of  distress  unless  you  are  in  great  need 
of  assistance;  and  should  you  hear  it  given  by  a brother, 
you  will  go  to  his  or  their  assistance;  and  should  any 
member  reveal  any  of  the  secrets,  acts,  orders,  or  edicts 
of  the  brotherhood,  you  will  assist  in  punishing  him  in 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-/6  125 


any  way  the  camp  may  direct  or  approve  of : So  help 
you  God.  KukUtx  Report,  South  Carolina  Testimony , 
P-  653 


OATH  OF  THE  INVISIBLE  EMPIRE 

I,  before  the  great  immaculate  God  of  heaven  and 
earth,  do  take  and  subscribe  to  the  following  sacred  bind- 
ing oath  and  obligation : I protnise  and  swear  that  I will 
uphold  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
as  it  was  handed  down  by  our  forefathers  in  its  original 
purity.  I promise  and  swear  that  I will  reject  and  oppose 
the  princioles  of  the  radical  party  in  all  its  forms,  and 
forever  maintain  and  contend  that  intelligent  white  men 
shall  govern  this  country.  I promise  and  pledge  myself 
to  assist,  according  to  my  pecuniary  circumstances,  all 
brothers  in  distress.  Females,  widows,  and  their  house- 
holds, shall  ever  be  specially  in  my  care  and  protection. 
I promise  and  swear  that  I will  obey  all  instructions 
given  me  by  my  chief,  and  should  I ever  divulge  or  cause 
to  be  divulged  any  secrets,  signs  or  passwords  of  the 
Invisible  Empire,  I must  meet  with  the  fearful  and  just 
penalty  of  the  traitor,  which  is  death,  death,  death,  at 
the  hands  of  my  brethren.  Kuklux  Report,  North  Caro- 
lina Testimony:  Court  Proceedings,  p.  422 

Extracts  from  the  revised  and  amended  Prescript  of 
Kuklux  Klan 


APPELLATION 

This  organization  shall  be  styled  and  denominated, 
the  Order  of  the  . . . 


CREED 


We,  the  Order  of  the  . . . , reverentially  acknowl- 
edge the  majesty  and  supremacy  of  the  Divine  Be- 
ing, and  recognize  the  goodness  and  providence  of  the 
same.  And  we  recognize  our  relation  to  the  United 
States  government,  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution, 
the  constitutional  laws  thereof,  and  the  union  of  states 
thereunder. 


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CHARACTER  AND  OBJECTS  OF  THE  ORDER 

This  is  an  institution  of  chivalry,  humanity,  mercy, 
and  patriotism;  embodying  in  its  genius  and  its  principles 
all  that  is  chivalric  in  conduct,  noble  in  sentiment,  gener- 
ous in  manhood,  and  patriotic  in  purpose;  its  peculiar 
objects  being 

First : To  protect  the  weak,  the  innocent,  and  the  de- 
fenceless, from  the  indignities,  wrongs,  and  outrages  of 
the  lawless,  the  violent,  and  the  brutal;  to  relieve  the 
injured  and  oppressed;  to  succor  the  suffering  and  unfor- 
tunate, and  especially  the  widows  and  orphans  of  Con- 
federate soldiers. 

Second : To  protect  and  defend  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  and  all  laws  passed  in  conformity 
thereto,  and  to  protect  the  states  and  the  people  thereof 
from  all  invasion  from  any  source  whatever. 

Third:  To  aid  and  assist  in  the  execution  of  all  con- 
stitutional laws,  and  to  protect  the  people  from  unlaw- 
ful seizure,  and  from  trial  except  by  their  peers  in  con- 
formity to  the  laws  of  the  land. 

TITLES 

§ i The  officers  of  this  order  shall  consist  of  a Grand 
Wizard  of  the  Empire,  and  his  ten  Genii ; a Grand  Dragon 
of  the  Realm,  and  his  eight  Hydras ; a Grand  Titan 
of  the  Dominion,  and  his  six  Furies;  a Grand  Giant  of 
the  Province,  and  his  four  Goblins ; a Grand  Cyclops  of 
the  Den,  and  his  two  Night  Hawks;  a Grand  Magi,  a 
Grand  Monk,  a Grand  Scribe,  a Grand  Exchequer,  a 
Grand  Turk,  and  a Grand  Sentinel. 

§ 2 The  body  politic  of  this  order  shall  be  known  and 
designated  as  “ Ghouls.” 

INTERROGATORIES  TO  BE  ASKED 

1 Have  you  ever  been  rejected,  upon  application  ior 

membership  in  the  . . , or  have  you  ever  been 

expelled  from  the  same? 

2 Are  you  now,  or  have  you  ever  been,  a member  of 
the  Radical  Republican  party,  or  either  of  the  organiza- 
tions known  as  the  “ Loyal  League  ” and  the  “ Grand 
Army  of  the  Republic  ? ” 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  1 27 

3 Are  you  opposed  to  the  principles  and  policy  of  the 
Radical  party;  and  to  the  Loyal  League,  and  the  Grand 
Army  of  the  Republic,  so  far  as  you  are  informed  of 
the  character  and  purposes  of  those  organizations  ? 

4 Did  you  belong  to  the  Federal  army  during  the  late 
war,  and . tight  against  the  South  during  the  existence 
of  the  same? 

5 Are  you  opposed  to  negro  equality,  both  social  and 
political  ? 

6 Are  you  in  favor  of  a white  man’s  government  in 
this  country? 

7 Are  you  in  favor  of  constitutional  liberty,  and  a 
government  of  equitable  laws  instead  of  a government 
of  violence  and  oppression? 

8 Are  you  in  favor  of  maintaining  the  constitutional 
rights  of  the  South  ? 

9 Are  you  in  favor  of  the  reenfranchisement  and 
emancipation  of  the  white  men  of  the  South,  and  the 
restitution  of  the  southern  people  to  all  their  rights,  alike 
proprietary,  civil,  and  political? 

10  Do  you  believe  in  the  inalienable  right  of  self- 
preservation  of  the  people  against  the  exercise  of  arbi- 
trary and  unlicensed  power?  Fleming , Documents,  no.  2 

A Kiiklux  order 

[The  Ivuklux  order  here  reproduced  is  typical.  It  was 
first  posted  on  the  streets  of  Tuscaloosa  Ala.,  and  later 
reprinted  in  the  newspapers.  It  was  at  once  an  order 
and  a notice  to  the  members  of  the  Klan,  and  a warning 
to  offenders.  Part  of  the  order  was  in  cipher,  the  rest 
was  sheer  nonsense,  calculated  to  alarm  the  carpet  bagger 
and  cause  him  to  leave  the  country.  It  was  rarely  neces- 
sary to  send  more  than  one  order  to  an  obnoxious  per- 
son.] 

KU  KLUX 

Hollow  Hell.  Devil’s  Den. 
Horrible  Shadows.  Ghostly 
Sepulcher.  Head  Quarters  of 
the  Immortal  Ate  of  the 
K.  K.  K.  Gloomy  Month. 
Bloody  Moon.  Black  Night. 
Last  Hour. 


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General  orders  no.  3 

Shrouded  Brotherhood  ! Murdered  heroes  ! 

Fling-  the  bloody  dirt  that  covers  you  to  the  four 
winds ! Erect  thy  Goddess  on  the  banks  of  the  Avernus. 
Mark  well  you  foes!  Strike  with  the  redhot  spear! 
Prepare  Charon  for  his  task ! 

Enemies  reform  ! The  skies  shall  be  blackened ! A 
single  Star  shall  look  down  upon  horrible  deeds ! The 
night  owl  shall  hoot  a requiem  o’er  Ghostly  Corpses ! 
Beware  ! Beware  ! Beware ! 

The  Great  Cyclops  is  angry ! Hobgoblins  report ! 
Shears  and  lash ! 

Tar  and  Feathers!  Hell  and  Fury! 

Revenge ! Revenge ! Revenge ! 

Bad  men  ! white,  black,  yellow,  repent ! 

The  hour  is  at  hand  ! Be  ye  readv  ! Life  is  short ! 
J.  H|.  S.  Y.  W ! ! 

Ghosts  ! Ghosts  ! ! Ghosts  ! ! ! 

Drink  thy  tea  made  of  distilled  hell,  stirred  with  the 
lightning  of  heaven,  and  sweetened  with  the  gall  of  thine 
enemies ! 

All  will  be  well ! ! ! 

By  order  of  the  Great 
Blufustin 

G.  S.  K.  K.  K. 

A true  copy 

Peterloo 

P.  S.  K.  K.  K. 

Fleming,  Documents,  no.  2 

Principles  of  the  ’76  Association 

To  oppose  by  all  peaceful  and  lawful  means  in  our 
power,  the  usurpations  of  the  Radical  party. 

To  uphold  the  principles  of  the  United  States  Consti- 
tution as  established  and  interpreted  by  its  framers. 

To  vindicate  the  history  of  the  South  from  the  malig- 
nant' and  systematic  assaults  and  aspersions  of  the  press, 
pulpits,  and  politicians  of  the  Radical  party. 

To  place  before  the  world  the  true  position  of  the  South 
during  the  recent  war,  and  her  conditions  at  the  present 
time. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  I2g 

To  form  a nucleus  around  which  the  true  men  of  the 
South  may  rally  in  contending  for  these  great  ends. 

To  promote  the  material  interests  of  the  South. 

And,  further  as  an  auxiliary  to  this  association,  to 
establish  and  maintain  in  the  city  of  New  Orleans,  a 
newspaper  which  shall  be  devoted  to  the  advancement, 
advocacy,  and  dissemination  of  the  principles. 

We,  the  undersigned  do  form  ourselves  into  an  associa- 
tion, and  adopt  the  following  [Constitution  of  the  ’76 
Association,  a simple  society  constitution],  Fleming, 
Documents , nos.  d-j 

A case  of  Kukluxing 

There  came  a parcel  of  gentlemen  to  my  house  one 
night — or  men.  They  went  up  to  the  door  and  ran  against 
it.  My  wife  was  sick.  I was  lying  on  a pallet  with  my 
feet  to  the  door.  The}'  ran  against  it  and  hallooed  to 
me,  “ Open  the  door  quick,  quick,  quick.”  I threw  the 
door  open  immediately — right  wide  open.  Two  little 
children  were  lying  with  me.  I said,  “ Come  in,  gentle- 
men.” One  of  them  says,  “ Do  we  look  like  'gentlemen  ? ” 
I says,  “You  look  like  men  of  some  description;  walk 
in.”  One  says,  “ Come  out  here  ; are  you  ready  to  die  ? ” 
I told  him  I was  not  prepared  to  die.  “ Well,”  he  said, 
“ your  time  is  short ; commence  praying.”  I told  him  I 
was  not  a praying  man  much,  and  hardly  ever  prayed ; 
only  a few  times ; never  did  pray  much.  He  says,  “ You 
ought  to  pray;  your  time  is  short,  and  now  commence  to 
pray.”  I told  him  I was  not  a praying  man.  One  of 
them  held  a pistol  to  my  head  and  said,  “ Get  down  and 
prav.”  I was  on  the  steps,  with  one  foot  on  the  ground. 
They  led  me  off  to  a pinetree.  There  wras  three  or  four 
of  them  behind  me,  it  appeared,  and  one  on  each  side,  and 
one  in  front.  The  gentleman  who  questioned  me  wras  the 
only  man  I could  see.  All  the  time  I could  not  see  the 
others.  Ever}-  time  I could  get  to  look  around  they  would 
touch  me  with  a pistol  on  the  other  side.  They  would 
just  touch  me  on  the  side  of  the  head  with  a pistol,  so 
I had  to  keep  my  head  square  in  front.  The  next  ques- 
tion was,  “Who  did  you  vote  for?”  I told  them  I 
voted  for  Mr  Turner — Claudius  Turner,  a gentleman  in 
the  neighborhood.  They  said,  “ What  did  you  vote  for 
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him  for?”  I said,  “ I thought  a good  deal  of  him;  he 
was  a neighbor.”  I told  them  I disremembered  who  was 
on  the  ticket  besides,  but  they  had  several,  and  i voted 
the  ticket.  “What  did  you  do  that  for?”  they  said. 
Says  I,  “ Because  I thought  it  was  right.”  They  said, 
“You  thought  it  was  right?  It  was  right  wrong.”  I 
said,  “ I never  do  anything  hardly  if  I think  it  is  wrong ; 
if  it  was  wrong  I did  not  know  it.  That  was  my  opinion 
at  the  time,  and  I thought  every  man  ought  to  vote  accord- 
ing to  his  notion.”  He  said,  “ If  you  had  taken  the  advice 
of  your  friends  you  would  have  been  better  off.”  I told 
him  I had.  Says  I,  “ You  may  be  a friend  to  me,  but 
1 can’t  tell  who  you  are.”  Says  he,  “ Can’t  you  recognize 
anybody  here  ? ” I told  him  I could  not ; “ In  the  con- 
dition you  are  in  now  I can’t  tell  who  you  are.”  One  of 
them  had  a very  large  set  of  teeth ; I suppose  they  were 
three  quarters  of  an  inch  long;  they  came  right  straight 
down.  He  came  up  to  me  and  sort  of  nodded.  He  had 
on  speckled  horns  and  calico  stuff,  and  had  a face  on.  He 
said,  “Have  you  got  a chisel  here  I could  get?”  I told 
him  I hadn’t,  but  I reckoned  I could  knock  one  out,  and 
I sort  of  laughed.  He  said,  “ What  in  hell  are  you 
laughing  at?  It  is  no  laughing  time.”  I told  him  it  sort 
of  tickled  me,  and  I thought  I would  laugh.  I did 
not  say  anything  then  for  a good  while.  “ Old  man,” 
says  one.  “ have  you  got  a rope  here,  or  plow  line,  or 
something  of  the  sort?”  I told  him,  “Yes;  I had  one 
hanging  on  the  crib  ” He  said,  “ Let  us  have  it.”  One 
of  them  says,  “ String  him  up  to  this  pinetree,  and  we 
will  get  all  out  of  him.  Get  up,  one  of  you,  and  let  us 
pull  him  up,  and  he  will  tell  the  truth.”  I says,  “ I can’t 
tell  you  anything  more  than  I have  told.  There  is  noth- 
ing I can  tell  you  but  what  I have  told  you  that  you 
asked  me.”  One  man  questioned  me  all  this  time.  One 
would  come  up  and  say,  “ Let’s  hang  him  awhile,  and 
he  will  tell  us  the  truth ; ” and  another  then  came  up 
and  said,  “ Old  man,  we  are  just  from  hell;  some  of  us 
have  been  dead  ever  since  the  Revolutionary  war.”  An- 
other one  said,  “ We  have  heard  your  conversation  for 
the  last  six  months.  I came  up  from  under  your  kitchen 
floor  just  this  night,  and  I have  heard  your  conversation 
a good  while.”  I was  not  scared,  and  said,  “ You  have 
been  through  a right  smart  experience.”  “ Yes,”  he  said; 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  I3I 

“ we  have  been  through  considerable  experience.”  One 
of  them  says,  “ We  have  just  come  from  hell.”  I said, 
“ If  I had  been  there  I would  not  want  to  go  back.” 
One  says,  “ Have  you  heard  a wild  goose  holler  lately  ? ” 
I said,  “ I heard  one  the  other  night.”  Said  he,  “ That  is 
one  of  us  coming  over  and  looking  down  to  see  what  you 
have  been  doing  this  time.”  I said,  “ You  must  fly  then.” 
He  says,  “ When  we  start  we  can  go  a long  ways.”  And 
then  said,  “ How  far  is  it  to  Osheville?”  I said,  “About 
sixty  miles.”  He  said,  “ How  far  to  Spartanburgh  ? ” I 
says,  “ Ten  miles.”  He  says,  “ We  have  got  to  go  to 
Spartanburg  tonight,  and  from  there  to  Asheville  before 
daylight;”  it  was  then  about  2 o’clock.  I says,  “You 
have  a long  trip,”  and  laughed.  He  says,  “ What  in  hell 
are  you  laughing  at?  ” “ Why,”  said  I,  “ by  your  going 

such  a trip.”  He  says,  “ This  is  no  laughing  time.”  I 
says,  “ If  anything  tickles  me  I always  laugh,  no  matter 
how  it  is.”  Then  they  made  me  get  down  on  my  knees 
and  told  me  to  pray.  I told  them  I was  not  a praying  man, 
and  didn’t  feel  like  it,  and  could  not  pray.  Another  put  a 
pistol  to  my  head  and  says,  “ Get  down.”  I got  down  on 
one  knee.  I said,  “ I can’t  pray.”  One  of  them  said, 
“ Let  us  shoot  him.”  Some  six  or  seven  of  them  pointed 
pistols  at  me,  and  I thought  they  were  going  to  shoot. 
They  said,  “Commence  praying;  your  time  is  short.” 
I said,  “ I can  t pray.”  They  let  me  stand  on  my  knee 
some  time ; one  said  something  to  the  rest,  and  they  went 
off  to  the  others ; one  spoke  to  the  others  in  some  kind 
of  Dutch  talk — I could  not  understand  it — and  they  all 
consulted  together,  and  came  back  to  me  and  said,  “ Old 
man,  which  would  you  rather  have;  six  hundred  lashes 
over  vour  shirt,  or  five  hundred  lashes  without  your  shirt, 
or  to  be  shot  or  hanged?”  Says  I,  “Gentlemen,  I have 
no  choice ; if  you  are  going  to  do  either  one,  either  one 
will  do  me;  do  it  now  and  make  an  end  of  me.  But  what 
have  I done?  ” “ You  have  done  a d — d sight,”  one  said. 
I said,  “ I don’t  know  what  it  is.  I do  not  trouble  anv- 
bodv.  You  can’t  bring  anything  against  me  bv  my  neigh- 
bors. There  is  a heap  of  neighbors  around  me,  and  they 
all  know  me,  and  they  can  bring  nothing  against  me.  I 
was  always  said  to  be  a good  boy  by  Dr  Vernon  that 
raised  me.”  He  says,  “ Who  says  so  but  you  ? ” I says, 
“ Anvbody  will  say  so.”  One  of  them  says,  “ He  has  got 


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HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


a d — d good  influence.  Didn’t  you  bribe  anybody  to  go 
your  way?  ” Says  I,  “ No,  sir.”  “ How  did  you  vote?  ” 
I told  him  I voted  for  Mr  Turner.  I did  not  say  anybody 
else  but  Mr  Turner  all  the  time.  He  said  several  time's, 
“Who  else?”  I never  said  anybody  but  Mr  Turffer. 
He  says  to  me,  “ Have  you  given  advice  to  anybody  to 
vote  your  way  ? ” I said,  “ No,  sir ; I will  tell  you  what 
I have  done.  I was  with  the  parties  the  same  day  of  the 
election,  and  I asked  the  boys  how  they  were  going  to 
vote,  and  I said  to  them,  won’t  you  vote  for  Mr  Turner? 
and  ain’t  you  going  to  vote  for  Mr  Turner?  but  I could 
not  make  them  do  it.”  He  says,  “ You  have  had  a good 
influence ; we  must  correct  you  a little.”  I told  him  I did 
not  think  that  was  any  harm  at  all.  He  says,  “ We  con- 
sider that  it  is.”  I thought  they  were  not  going  to  trouble 
me  all  this  time.  I thought  it  did  not  look  so.  I still 
kept  in  good  spirits  and  laughed  occasionally.  They  all 
left  me  but  two — one  by  my  side  and  another  in  front. 
They  all  got  together  again  and  consulted,  and  one  says, 
“ Let’s  go.”  I was  standing,  and  one  says,  “ Come,  old 
man,  come  with  us.”  I did  not  know  what  they  were 
going  to  do  with  me.  They  went  on  with  me  thirty  or 
forty  steps  from  the  house  where  we  were  standing,  close 
to  the  house.  Right  in  the  road  one  says,  “ Jerk  me  a limb 
off  that  tree.”  One  ran  and  jerked  a limb  off — a pretty 
heavy  one,  with  two  prongs  to  it.  He  says,  “ Pull  off 
your  shirt.”  “ What  for?  ” says  I.  “ Pull  off  your  shirt,” 
he  said ; “ don’t  you  ask  me  anything.”  I didn’t  pull  it 
off.  “ If  you  don’t  pull  it  off,”  says  he,  “ I will  shoot 
you  in  a minute.  I will  shoot  a hole  through  you  big 
enough  for  a rat  to  go  through.”  I just  turned  it  over 
my  head.  I had  on  only  my  drawers  and  my  shirt.  Then 
they  hit  me  thirteen  of  the  hardest  cuts  I ever  got.  I 
never  had  such  cuts.  They  hit  me  right  around  the  waist 
and  by  my  hip,  and  cut  a piece  out  about  as  wide  as  my 
two  fingers  in  one  place.  I did  not  say  a word  while  they 
were  whipping,  only  sort  of  grunted  a little.  As  quick 
as  they  got  through  they  said,  “ Go  to  your  bed.  We  will 
have  this  country  right  before  we  get  through ; go  to 
your  bed,”  and  they  started  away.  One  of  them  says, 
“ Look  here,  what  are  you  going  to  say  when  anybody 
asks  you  about  this?”  “What  can  I say,  sir?”  He 
says,  “ What  are  you  going  to  say?  ” I says,  “ I will  have 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  I33 


to  say  something.”  “ Are  you  going  to  tell  that  we  have 
been  here  ? ” I says,  “ What  else  can  I say  ? ” “ Can’t 

you  tell  a lie,”  says  he,  ‘‘  and  say  nobody  has  been  here?” 
Say  I,  “ That  would  not  be  right.”  “ Can’t  you  do  it  ? ” 
I told  him  I could  do  it.  He  sai'd,  “ Just  let  us  hear  of 
this  thing,  and  when  we  come  back  we  will  not  leave  a 
piece  of  you.”  That  was  the  end  of  it.  They  left  then, 
and  got  on  their  horses  and  went  away.  Kuklu.v  Report, 
South  Carolina  Testimony,  p.  41 1 

The  churches  during  reconstruction 

1 In  Memphis  Tennessee. 

2 Southern  baptist  churches. 

3 Prayer  for  the  President  in  Mississippi. 

4 The  episcopal  church  in  Alabama  and  Bishop  Wilmer. 

5 Negro  religion  in  1865. 

6 A negro  missionary  mistreated. 

7 A persecuted  negro  church. 

8 Opinion  of  an  episcopalian  on  religious  conditions 

among  the  negroes. 


Headquarters  Department  of  Memphis 

Dec.  23,  1863 

Rev.  Bishop  Ames  : In  obedience  to  the  orders  of  the 
Secretary  of  War,  dated  Washington,  Nov.  30,  1863,  a 
copy  of  which  is  here  attached,  I place  at  your  disposal 
a ‘‘house  of  worship”  known  as  ‘‘Wesley  Chapel  in 
the  city  of  Memphis,  state  of  Tennessee,  the  said  house 
being  claimed  as  the  property  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church  South,  and  there  being  no  loyal  minister,  ap- 
pointed by  a loyal  bishop,  now  officiating  in  said  house 
of  worship. 

I am  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

' James  C.  Veatch 

Brigadier  General 


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War  Department,  Adjutant  General’s  Office 

Washington,  Jan.  14,  1864 

To  the  generals  commanding  the  military  division  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  the  departments  of  the  Gulf,  of  the 
South,  and  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  and  all 
generals  and  officers  commanding  armies,  detachments, 
and  posts,  and  all  officers  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States  in  the  above  mentioned  departments : 

You  are  hereby  directed  to  place  at  the  disposal  of  the 
American  Baptist  Home  Mission  Society  all  houses  of 
worship  belonging  to  the  Baptist  Church  South  in  which 
a loyal  minister  of  said  church  does  not  now  officiate.  It 
is  a matter  of  great  importance  to  the  government  in  its 
efforts  to  restore  tranquillity  to  the  community,  and  peace 
to  the  nation,  that  Christian  ministers  should  by  example 
and  precept  support  and  foster  the  loyal  sentiment  of  the 
people.  The  American  Baptist  Home  Mission  Society 
enjoys  the  entire  confidence  of  this  department,  and  no 
doubt  is  entertained  that  all  ministers  who  may  be  ap- 
pointed by  it  will  be  entirely  loyal.  You  are  expected  to 
give  it  all  the  aid,  countenance,  and  support  practicable  in 
the  execution  of  its  important  mission. 

You  are  also  authorized  to  furnish  their  executive 
officer  or  agent  and  his  clerk  with  transportation  and 
subsistence  when  it  can  be  done  without  prejudice  to  the 
service,  and  will  afford  them  courtesy  and  protection. 

By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 

E.  D.  Townsend 
Assistant  Adjutant  General 


Headquarters  U . S.  forces 

Natchez  Miss.,  June  18,  1864 

Special  order,  no.  31  : 

(Extract) 

II  The  colonel  commanding  this  district  having  been 
officially  notified  that  the  pastors  of  many  churches  in 
this  city  neglect  to  make  any  public  recognition  of  allegi- 
ance under  which  they  live,  and  to  which  they  are  in- 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865 -76  1 35 

debted  for  protection,  and  further,  that  the  regular  form 
of  prayer  for  “ the  President  of  he  United  States,  and 
all  others  in  authority,”  prescribed  by  the  ritual  in  some 
churches,  and  by  established  custom  in  others,  has  been 
omitted  in  the  stated  services  of  churches  of  all  denomina- 
tions, it  is  hereby 

Ordered,  That  hereafter,  the  ministers  of  such  churches 
as  may  have  the  prescribed  form  of  prayer  for  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  shall  read  [it]  at  each  and  every 
service  in  which  it"  is  required  by  the  rubrics — and  that 
those  of  other  denominations,  which  have  no  such  form — - 
shall  on  like  occasions  pronounce  a prayer  appropriate  to 
the  time,  and  expressive  of  the  proper  spirit  toward  the 
chief  magistrate  of  the  United  States.  Any  minister  fail- 
ing to  comply  with  these  orders,  will  be  immediately  pro- 
hibited from  exercising  the  functions  of  his  office  in  this 
city — and  render  himself  liable  to  be  sent  beyond  the  lines 
of  the  United  States  forces — at  the  discretion  of  the 
colonel  commanding. 

The  provost  marshal  is  charged  with  the  execution  of 
this  order. 

By  command  of 

B.  G.  Farrar 

Colonel  commanding 
James  E.  Montgomery 
Capt.  and  Ass’ t Ad j.  Gen. 

Headquarters  Department  of  Alabama 

Mobile  Ala.,  Sep.  20,  1865 

General  order  no.  38  : 

The  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  of  the  United  States 
has  established  a form  of  prayer  to  be  used  for  “ the 
President  of  the  United  States  and  all  in  civil  authority.” 
During  the  continuance  of  the  late  wicked  and  groundless 
rebellion  the  prayer  was  changed  for  one  for  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Confederate  states,  and  so  altered,  was  used 
in  the  protestant  churches  of  the  diocese  of  Alabama. 

Since  the  “ lapse  ” of  the  Confederate  government,  and 
the  restoration  of  the  authority  of  the  United  States  over 
the  late  rebellious  states,  the  prayer  for  the  President  has 
been  altogether  omitted  in  the  episcopal  churches  of 
Alabama. 


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This  omission  was  recommended  by  the  Rt  Rev.  Rich- 
ard YY  ilmer,  Bishop  of  Alabama,  in  a letter  to  the  clergy 
and  laity,  dated  June  20,  1865.  The  only  reason  given 
by  Bishop  YVilmer  for  the  omission  of  a prayer,  which, 
to  use  his  own  language,  “ was  established  by  the  highest 
ecclesiastical  authorities,  and  has  for  many  years  con- 
stituted a part  of  the  liturgy  of  the  church,”  is  stated  by 
him  in  the  following  words : 

“ Now  the  church  in  this  country  has  established  a form 
of  prayer  for  the  President  and  all  in  civil  authority.  The 
language  of  the  prayer  was  selected  with  careful  reference 
to  the  subject  of  the  prayer — all  in  civil  authority — and 
she  desires  for  that  authority  prosperity  and  long  con- 
tinuance. No  one  can  reasonably  be  expected  to  desire  a 
long  continuance  of  military  rule.  Therefore,  the  prayer 
is  altogether  inappropriate  and  inapplicable  to  the  present 
conditions  of  things,  when  no  civil  authority  exists  in 
the  exercise  of  its  functions.  Hence,  as  I remarked  in 
the  circular,  we  may  yield  a true  allegiance  to,  and  sincerely 
pray  for  grace,  wisdom  and  understanding  in  behalf  of, 
a government  founded  on  force,  while  at  the  same  time  we 
could  not  in  good  conscience  ask  for  its  continuance, 
prosperity  etc.” 

It  will  be  observed  from  this  extract,  first,  that  the 
bishop,  because  he  can  not  pray  for  the  continuance  of 
“ military  rule,”  therefore  declines  to  pray  for  those  in 
authority  ; second,  he  declares  the  prayer  inappropriate  and 
inapplicable,  because  no  civil  authority  exists  in  the  exer- 
cise of  its  functions.  On  the  20th  of  June,  the  date  of  his 
letter,  there  was  a President  of  the  United  States,  a 
Cabinet,  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  thousand  of 
other  civil  officers  of  the  United  States,  all  in  the  exercise 
of  their  functions.  It  was  for  them  specially  that  this 
form  of  prayer  was  established,  yet  the  bishop  can  not, 
among  all  these,  find  any  subject  worthy  of  his  prayers. 

Since  the  publication  of  this  letter  a civil  governor  has 
been  appointed  for  the  state  of  Alabama,  and  in  every 
county  judges  and  sheriffs  have  been  appointed,  and  all 
these  are,  and  for  weeks  have  been,  in  the  exercise  of  their 
functions ; yet  the  prayer  has  not  been  restored. 

The  prayer  which  the  bishop  advised  to  be  omitted  is 
not  a prayer  for  the  continuance  of  any  particular  form 
of  government  or  any  particular  person  in  power.  It  is 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-/6  1 37 

simply  a prayer  for  the  temporal  and  spiritual  weal  of  the 
persons  in  whose  behalf  it  is  ordered — it  is  a prayer  to 
the  High  and  Mighty  Ruler  of  the  Universe  that  He 
would  with  His  power  behold  and  bless  His  servant — the 
President  of  the  United  States — and  all  others  in  author- 
ity ; that  He  would  replenish  them  with  grace  of  His  holy 
spirit  that  they  might  always  incline  to  His  will  and  walk 
in  His  ways  : that  He  would  endow  them  plenteously  with 
heavenly  gifts,  grant  them  in  health  and  prosperity  long 
to  live,  and  finally  after  this  life,  to  attain  everlasting  joy 
and  felicity.  It  is  a prayer  at  once  applicable  and  appro- 
priate. and  which  any  heart  not  filled  with  hatred,  malice 
and  all  uncharitableness,  could  conscientiously  offer. 

The  advice  of  the  bishop  to  omit  this  prayer,  and  its 
omission  by  the  clergy,  is  not  only  a violation  of  the  canons 
of  the  church,  but  snows  a factious  and  disloyal  spirit,  and 
is  a marked  insult  to  every  loyal  citizen  within  the  depart- 
ment. Such  men  are  unsafe  public  teachers,  and  not  to 
be  trusted  in  places  of  power  and  influence  over  public 
opinion. 

It  is,  therefore,  ordered,  pursuant  to  the  directions  of 
Major  General  Thomas,  commanding  the  military  division 
of  Tennessee,  that  said  Richard  Wilmer,  bishop  of  the 
Protestant  Episcopal  Church  of  the  diocese  of  Alabama, 
and  the  protestant  episcopal  clergy  of  said  diocese  be, 
and  they  are  hereby  suspended  from  their  functions,  and 
forbidden  to  preach,  or  perform  divine  service ; and  that 
their  places  of  worship  be  closed  until  such  time  as  said 
bishop  and  clergy  show  a sincere  return  to  their  allegiance 
to  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and  give  evidence 
of  a loyal  and  patriotic  spirit  by  offering  to  resume  the 
use  of  the  prayer  for  the  President  of  the  United  States 
and  all  in  civil  authority,  and  by  taking  the  amnesty  oath 
prescribed  by  the  President. 

This  prohibition  shall  continue  in  each  individual  case 
until  special  application  is  made  through  the  military  chan- 
nels to  these  headquarters  for  permission  to  preach  and 
perform  divine  service,  and  until  such  application  is  ap- 
proved at  these  or  superior  headquarters. 

District  commanders  are  required  to  see  that  this  order 
is  carried  into  effect. 

By  order  of  Major  General  Charles  R.  Woods, 

Fred  H.  Wilson 

Assistant  Adjutant  General 


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Headquarters  Military  Division  of  the  Tennessee 
Nashville  Tenn ._,  Dec.  22,  1865 

General  order  no.  40 : 

Armed  resistance  to  the  authority  of  the  United  States 
having  been  put  down,  the  President,  on  the  29th  of  May 
last,  issued  his  Proclamation  of  Amnesty,  declaring  that 
armed  resistance  having  ceased  in  all  quarters,  he  invited 
those  lately  in  rebellion  to  reconstruct  and  restore  civil 
authority,  thus  proclaiming  the  magnanimity  of  our  gov- 
ernment towards  all,  no  matter  how  criminal  or  how  de- 
serving of  punishment. 

Alarmed  at  this  imminent  and  impending  peril  to  the 
cause  in  which  he  had  embarked  with  all  his  heart  and 
mind,  and  desiring  to  check,  if  possible,  the  spread  of 
popular  approbation  and  grateful  appreciation  of  the  mag- 
nanimous policy  of  the  President  in  his  efforts  to  bring 
the  people  of  the  United  States  back  to  their  former 
friendly  and  national  relations  one  with  another,  an  indi- 
vidual, styling  himself  Bishop  of  Alabama,  forgetting  his 
mission  to  preach  peace  on  earth  and  good  will  towards 
man,  and  being  animated  with  the  same  spirit  which 
through  temptation  beguiled  the  mother  of  men  to'  the 
commission  of  the  first  sin — thereby  entailing  eternal  toil 
and  trouble  on  earth — issued,  from  the  shield  of  his  office, 
his  manifesto  of  the  20th  of  June  last  to  the  clergy  of 
the  episcopal  church  of  Alabama,  directing  them  to  omit 
the  usual  and  customary  prayer  for  the  President  of  the 
United  States  and  all  others  in  authority,  until  the  troops 
of  the  United  States  had  been  removed  front  the  limits 
of  Alabama;  cunningly  justifying  this  treasonable  course, 
by  plausibly  presenting  to  the  minds  of  the  people  that, 
civil  authority  not  yet  having  been  restored  in  Alabama, 
there  was  no  occasion  for  the  use  of  said  prayer,  as  such 
prayer  was  intended  for  the  civil  authority  alone,  and  as 
the  military  was  the  only  authority  in  Alabama  it  was 
manifestly  improper  to  pray  for  the  continuance  of  mili- 
tary rule. 

This  man  in  his  position  as  a teacher  of  religion,  charity, 
and  good  fellowship  with  his  brothers,  whose  paramount 
duty  as  such  should  have  been  characterized  by  trankness 
and  freedom  from  all  cunning,  thus  took  advantage  of 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  I39 

the  sanctity  of  his  position  to  mislead  the  minds  of  those 
who  naturally  regarded  him  as  a teacher  in  whom  they 
could  trust,  and  attempted  to  lead  them  back  into  the 
labyrinths  of  treason. 

For  this  covert  and  cunning  act  he  was  deprived  of  the 
privileges  of  citizenship,  in  so  far  as  the  right  to  officiate 
as  a minister  of  the  Gospel,  because  it  was  evident  that 
he  could  not  be  trusted  to  officiate  and  confine  his  teach- 
ings to  matters  of  religion  alone— in  fact  that  religious 
matters  were  but  a secondary  consideration  in  his  mind, 
he  having  taken  an  early  opportunity  to  subvert  the  church 
to  the  justification  and  dissemination  of  his  treasonable 
sentiments. 

As  it  is,  however,  manifest  that  so  far  from  entertaining 
the  same  political  views  as  Bishop  Wilmer,  the  people  of 
Alabama  are  honestly  endeavoring  to  restore  the  civil 
authority  in  that  state,  in  conformity  with  the  require- 
ments of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  to 
repudiate  their  acts  of  hostility  during  the  past  four  years, 
and  have  accepted  with  a loyal  and  becoming  spirit  the 
magnanimous  terms  offered  them  by  -the  President ; there- 
fore, the  restrictions  heretofore  imposed  upon  the  Epis- 
copal clergy  of  Alabama  are  removed,  and  Bishop  Wilmer 
is  left  to  that  remorse  of  conscience  consequent  to  the 
exposure  and  failure  of  the  diabolical  schemes  of  design- 
ing and  corrupt  minds. 

By  command  of  Major  General  Thomas. 

William  D.  Whipple 

Assistant  Adjutant  General 

Negro  religion 

Here,  in  a mile  of  me,  is  a negro  woman  dying,  who 
says  an  old  African  hag  put  a snake  in  her  four  years 
ago,  and  the  Obi  doctor  has  gone  to  deliver  her.  “ Civil- 
ization ” is  “ marching  two  steps  backwards  ” like  the 
truant  boy  went  to  school,  “to  one  forward”  in  our' 
“Africa  ” down  here.  The  negroes  here  spend  their  time 
going  to  “funerals,”  religious  howlings,  promiscuous 
sexual  intercourse,  thieving  and  “conjuring.”  At  their 
“ funerals  ” they  bellow  like  cattle  when  one  of  their  num- 
ber is  slaughtered.  Letter  of  William  F.  Samford  quoted 
by  George  Petrie  in  Transactions  of  Ala.  Hist.  Soc.  v.  4 


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A missionary  to  the  negroes 

You  will  hear  of  “Alexander’s  case.”  I do  not  know 
its  merits.  It  is  the  case  of  a negro  preacher  who  went 
to  Auburn  from  North  Carolina — went  in  the  interests  of 
a North  African  Methodist  Church  organization.  He 
remained,  preaching  at  his  boarding  house  on  Sundays  and 
week  nights,  for  some  months,  and  teaching  during  the 
week.  Four  or  five  men  in  disguise  went  to  his  room  one 
night  last  week,  took  him. out  to  the  woods,  and  gave  him 
a severe  whipping.  The  community  was  shocked  to  see 
him  next  morning  in  his  bloody  clothes,  at  the  railroad 
depot,  en  route  to  Washington  city.  The  town  council 
held  a meeting  to  investigate  the  “ outrage  ” with  only 
this  result:  No  trace  could  be  found  of  the  perpetrators 
of  the  deed.  Suspicion  points  to  certain  persons.  They 
each  protest  innocence.  It  is  certain  that  the  resident 
colored  preachers  of  the  Methodist  Church  South  were 
greatly  disgruntled  by  the  appearance  of  Brother  Alex- 
ander in  the  midst  of  their  unsuspecting  flock,  pouncing 
like  a hawk  upon  their  chickens  (to  change  the  figure) 
and  taking  off  particularly  the  young  pullets,  or  (to  return 
to  the  first  and  more  appropriate  figure)  appropriating  the 
young  ewe  lambs.  They  denounced  him  in  public  and 
private,  and  seemed  determined  to  “ hamsnoggle  ” him. 
It  was  a complaint  that  he  held  meetings  late  o’nights,  in- 
vited the  rural  laborers  and  created  an  excitement,  which 
took  them  away  from  their  duties,  interfering  with  the 
prosperity  of  the  neighboring  crops,  already  bad  enough 
. . . When  he  left  here  a delegation  of  his  gentle  disci- 
ples escorted  the  martyr  to  the  railroad — not  a man  among 
them.  It  was  brought  to  light  that  a countryman  who  lived 
some  miles  out  of  town,  had  threatened  to  cane  the 
evangelist  for  not  giving  his  daughter  the  sidewalk,  and 
here  the  evidence  closed,  leaving  it  in  doubt  whether  his 
assailants  were  negroes  or  white  men,  for  what  offense, 
if  any,  he  was  subjected  to  this  violent  wrong,  whether 
he  is  a simple  zealot,  a good  devoted  Christian,  or  an  im- 
poster. The  colored  people  do  not  espouse  his  cause.  All 
men  of  all  colors  deplore  the  occurrence,  and  denounce  the 
violence  by  which  he  was  wronged,  by  whomsoever  per- 
petrated. One  of  the  first  citizens  of  the  town  council 
informed  me  that  the  investigation  left  the  impression  on 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  I4I 

his  mind  that  the  whipping  of  the  Rev  Mr.  Alexander 
was  done  by  negroes.  I doubt  it,  but  can  find  no  evidence 
to  settle  the  question.  Letter  of  William  F.  Samford, 
quoted  by  George  Petrie  in  Transactions  of  Ala.  Hist. 
Soc.  v.  4 

A persecuted  negro  church 

No  easy  field  lay  before  these  consecrated  men.  The 
church  was  in  its  infancy ; it  was  maliciously  misrepre- 
sented, wantonly  maligned,  and  frequently  calumniated 
by  stronger  religious  denominations.  The  relation  of  our 
church  to  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  South,  was 
the  prolific  cause  of  most  of  the  misrepresentations  that 
were  heaped  upon  us.  The  church  was  called  a “ Rebel 
Church,”  “ Democratic  Church,”  and  “ the  Old  Slavery 
Church.”  These  were  powerful  weapons  used  against  us, 
for  the  reason  that  our  people  were  naturally  credulous, 
especially  concerning  anything  that  might  be  said  about 
those  who  had  kept  their  forefathers  in  slavery  for  more 
than  two  centuries.  Some  were  odiously  inclined  to  the 
church,  South ; others  refused  social  relations  with  those 
who  in  any  way  affiliated  with  that  church.  Thus  the 
credulity  of  the  ignorant  was  played  upon  with  ease,  and 
they  joined  in  the  rabble  cry:  “Demolish  the  new 
church ! — the  Democratic  Church.”  C.  H.  Phillips,  His- 
tory of  the  Colored  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  p.  pi 

Opinion  of  an  Episcopalian 

. . . The  result  of  the  religious  isolation  of  the  negro 
after  the  Civil  War  was  most  unfortunate ; for,  nowhere 
has  he  shown  such  a disposition  to  revert  to  the  original 
savage  as  in  his  religion.  Who  does  not  know  something 
of  religious  revivals  among  the  negroes,  their  extravagant 
emotionalism,  the  ease  with  which  their  religious  teachers 
and  leaders  work  upon  their  credulity  and  upon  their  fears, 
their  strange  and  perverted  notions  of  conversion — that 
curious  mental  and  physical  condition  which  so  closely  re- 
sembles the  hypnotic  trance?  their  implicit  faith  in  cer- 
tain occult  practices,  known  as  “ hoodooism,”  and  finally, 
their  total  misconception  of  the  plainest  scriptural  teacti- 
ings  concerning  the  incarnation  and  the  work  of  the  Holy 
Spirit?  If  ever  a people  needed  the  firm  and  intelligent 
support  and  guidance  of  those  who  are  able  to  teach  them, 
the  negro  is  that  race.  And  yet,  what  have  we  done  ? We 


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have  left  him  largely  a prey  to  his  own  ignorance  and 
superstition,  and  to  the  guidance  of  a native  clergy — many 
of  them  ignorant  and  morally  unfit  for  the  task  before 
them.  Many  of  these  colored  preachers  are  godly  men 
and  are  able  leaders  of  their  race,  as  we  can  all  testify. 
The  African  Methodist  Episcopal  Body  and  the  African 
Baptist  Church,  with  their  immense  membership,  their 
admirable  system  of  church  discipline,  and  their  excellent 
organization,  show  what  the  negro  has  been  able  to  ac- 
complish in  a religious  way,  with  but  little  aid  from  the 
white  man.  But,  while  this  is  true — and  the  race  needs 
to  be  congratulated  upon  what  it  has  accomplished — it  is 
also  true  that  in  many  instances  the  negro  preachers  have 
proven  themselves  unsafe  and  dangerous  guides,  and  have 
fanned  the  fires  of  race  prejudice,  and  influenced  the 
negro  to  become  the  political  enemy  of  the  white  man. 

I  believe  that  there  would  be  a better  understanding 
between  the  races,  less  antagonism,  and  more  of  the 
spirit  of  cooperation,  if  the  negro,  in  his  religion,  had 
remained  under  white  tutelage.  He  might  in  that  case 
have  listened  to  his  white  bishop,  and  have  looked  to  his 
white  rector  to  guide  him  when  he  would  have  turned  a 
deaf  ear  to  appeals  which  came  only  from  those  whom  he 
saw  separated  from  him  socially,  politically  and  relig- 
iously. The  episcopal  church  has,  from  the  beginning, 
recognized  that  the  negro  more  than  any  other  race,  by 
temperament  and  inheritance,  stands  in  need  of  the  re- 
straint and  the  chastened  discipline  which  comes  from  a 
reverent  ritual,  a liturgical  service,  and  systematic  instruc- 
tion, not  only  in  doctrines  but  in  morals.  Rev.  W.  A. 
Guerry,  in  Montgomery  Conference  Proceedings,  p.  ij / 

Education  during  reconstruction 

1 A northern  teacher’s  view. 

2 Freedmen’s  Bureau  accounts. 

3 General  Pope’s  opinion  of  negro  education. 

4 A foreigner’s  account. 

5 The  Hampton  view. 

6 A southerner’s  estimate. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-/6  I43 


A northern  teacher’s  znew 

YY  e have  four  millions  of  liberated  slaves  who  should 
be  educated.  They  ask  it  at  our  hands,  and  the  world 
expects  us  to  do  it : because  in  the  very  act  of  emancipa- 
tion there  is  the  sacred  promise  to  educate.  Slavery  has 
kept  the  word  education  out  of  our  national  Constitution. 
Now  four  millions  of  starved  minds  implore  its  introduc- 
tion. These  colored  people  are  children  in  knowledge, 
and  we  must  begin  with  A,  B,  C.  They  must  be  educated 
at  the  South,  where  they  prefer  to  live  in  warm  climates. 
Their  former  owners  will  not  take  the  trouble  to  educate 
them,  and  would  generally  refuse  to  pay  a local  tax  for 
that  purpose.  “ Since  the  Christian  era,”  he  says,  “ there 
has  not  been  such  an  opportunity,  for  such  a country,  to 
do  such  a work ; the  noblest  work  man  can  do.  Slavery  is 
dead,  and  we  can  now  introduce  into  our  Constitution  the 
angelic  agency  of  education.  We  can  now,  for  the  first 
time,  meet  the  demands  of  humanity,  civilization,  and  free- 
dom. We  can  not  only  teach  the  negroes,  but  we  can 
emancipate  the  “ poor  whites  ” whom  ignorance  has  kept 
so  long  in  bondage.  The  old  slave  states  are  to  be  new 
missionary  ground  for  the  national  schoolmaster,  where, 
without  regard  to  rank,  age  or  color,  he  will  teach  all 
his  pupils  that  learning  and  development  are  the  first 
natural  rights  of  man.  Address  of  S.  S.  Greene,  Pres.  N. 
T.  A.  August  1S65,  quoting  the  words  of  Rev.  Charles 
Brooks  of  Mass.. — Proc.  & Lectures,  p.  242. 

4 A&do*  /-U—.  • 

Freedmen’s  Bureau  accounts 

The  desire  of  the  freedmen  for  knowledge  has  not  been 
overstated.  This  comes  from  several  causes : 

1 The  natural  thirst  for  knowledge  common  to  all  men. 

2 They  have  seen  power  and  influence  among  white 
people  always  coupled  with  learning — it  is  the  sign,  of 
that  elevation  to  which  they  now  aspire. 

3 Its  mysteries,  hitherto  hidden  from  them  in  written 
literature,  excites  to  the  special  study  of  hooks. 

4 Their  freedom  has  given  wonderful  stimulus  to  all 
effort,  indicating  a vitality  which  augurs  well  for  their 
whole  future  condition  and  character. 

5 But  especially  the  practical  business  of  life,  now  uoon 
their  hands,  shows  at  once  their  need  of  education.  This 
they  all  feel  and  acknowledge;  hence,  their  unusual  wel- 


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come  and  attendance  upon  schools  is  confined  to  no  one 
class  or  age.  Those  advanced  in  life  throw  up  their  hands 
at  first  in  despair,  but  a little  encouragement  places  even 
these  as  pupils  at  the  alphabet. 

Such  as  are  in  middle  life — the  laboring  classes — gladly 
avail  themselves  of  the  evening  and  Sabbath  schools.  They 
may  be  often  seen  during  the  intervals  of  toil,  when  off 
duty  as  servants,  on  steamboats,  along  railroads,  and  when 
unemployed  in  the  streets  of  the  city  or  on  plantations, 
with  some  fragment  of  a spelling  book  in  their  hands, 
earnestly  at  study.  Regiments  of  colored  soldiers  have 
nearly  all  made  improvement  in  learning.  In  some  of 
them,  where  but  few  knew  their  letters  at  first,  nearly 
every  man  can  now  read,  and  many  of  them  write.  In 
other  regiments  one  half  or  two  thirds  can  do  this.  The 
officers  of  such  regiments  deserve  great  credit  for  their 
efforts  in  this  respect.  The  128th  United  States  colored 
troops,  at  Beaufort,  I found  with  regularly  detailed 
teachers  from  the  line  officers — a neat  camp  schoolhouse, 
erected  by  the  regiment,  and  the  colonel  superintending 
the  whole  arrangement.  Chaplains  have  also  been  the 
schoolmasters  of  their  respective  regiments  with  much 
success,  and  greatly  increasing  their  usefulness. 

Even  in  the  hospitals  I discovered  very  commendable 
efforts  at  such  elementary  instruction.  In  the  above  camp 
and  hospital  work  the  teachers  of  the  northern  associations 
were  found  helping.  But  the  great  movement  is  among 
children  of  usual  school  age,  and  who  are  now  otherwise 
unemployed.  Their  parents,  if  at  all  intelligent,  every- 
where encourage  them  to  study.  Your  officers  in  all  ways 
add  their  influence,  and  it  is  a fact,  not  always  true  of 
children,  that  among  those  recently  from  bondage,  the 
schoolhouse,  however  rough  and  uncomfortable,  is  of  all 
other  places  the  most  attractive ; the  average  attendance 
being  nearly  equal  to  that  usually  found  at  the  North.  For 
instance,  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  daily  attendance 
at  the  white  schools  is  but  forty-one  (41)  %,  while  at  the 
colored  schools  of  the  District  it  is  seventy-five  (75)  %. 
In  the  State  of  New  York,  the  daily  attendance  at  the  pub- 
lic schools  averages  forty-three  (43)  %.  At  the  colored 
schools  in  the  city  of  Memphis  it  is  seventy-two  (72)  %. 
In  the  whole  State  of  Alabama  it  is  seventy-nine  (79)  % ; 
and  in  Virginia  it  is  eighty-two  (82)  %.  The  most 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  I45 

thorough  attendance  at  public  schools  at  the  North  is 
probably  in  the  city  of  Boston,  which  is  ninety-three  (93) 
%.  In  the  comparison,  therefore,  schools  of  colored 
children  do  not  suffer  (especially  when  we  consider  lax 
government  at  home,  and  opportunity  for  truancy)  with 
the  most  vigorous  system  found  among  our  own  children. 
Love  of  their  books  is  universally  apparent.  Dull  and 
stupid  ones  there  are,  but  a very  common  punishment  for 
misdemeanor  is  the  threat  of  being  kept  at  home  for  a day. 
The  threat,  in  most  cases,  is  sufficient. 

...  Not  only  are  individuals  seen  at  study,  and  under 
the  most  untoward  circumstances,  but  in  very  many  places 
I have  found  what  I will  call  “ native  schools,”  often  rude 
and  very  imperfect,  but  there  they  are,  a group,  perhaps, 
of  all  ages,  trying  to  learn.  Some  young  man,  some 
woman,  or  old  preacher,  in  cellar,  or  shed,  or  corner  of  a 
negro  meetinghouse,  with  the  alphabet  in  hand,  or  a torn 
spelling  book,  is  their  teacher.  All  are  full  of  enthusiasm 
with  the  new  knowledge  the  book  is  imparting  to  them. 

...  A member  of  the  Legislature,  in  session  while  I 
was  at  New  Orleans,  was  passing  one  of  the  schools  with 
me,  having,  at  the  time,  its  recess,  the  grounds  about  the 
building  being  filled  with  children.  He  stopped  and  looked 
intently,  then  earnestly  inquired  “Is  this  a school?” 
“ Yes,”  I replied.  “ What ! of  niggers  ? ” “ These  are  col- 
ored children,  evidently,”  I answered.  “ Well ! well ! ” said 
he,  and  raising  his  hands,  “ I have  seen  many  an  absurdity 
in  my  lifetime,  but  this  is  the  climax  of  absurdities ! ” I 
was  sure  he  did  not  speak  for  effect,  but  as  he  felt.  He 
darted  from  me  like  an  arrow,  and  turned  the  next  corner 
to  take  his  seat  with  legislators  similarly  prejudiced.  . . 
Report  of  J.  W.  Alvord,  inspector  of  bureau  schools,  Jan. 
1,  1866,  in  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  no.  2p,  ygth  Cong,  ist  Sess.  p. 
to 7,  1 12,  it 5. 

General  Pope’s  opinion 

It  may  be  safely  said  that  the  marvellous  progress  made 
in  the  education  of  these  people,  aided  by  the  noble  charit- 
able contributions  of  the  northern  societies  and  individuals, 
finds  no  parallel  in  the  history  of  mankind.  If  continued, 
it  must  be  by  the  same  means,  and  if  the  masses  of  white 
people  exhibit  the  same  indisposition  to  be  educated  that 


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they  do  now,  five  years  will  have  transferred  intelligence 
and  education,  so  far  as  the  masses  are  concerned,  to  the 
colored  people  of  this  district.  General  John  Pope  to 
General  Grant , 1867,  Herbert,  Solid  South,  p.  43. 

A foreigner’s  account 

■ . . I was  fortunate  enough  to  be  able  to  collect  evi- 

dence which  corroborated  the  statements  just  made,  and  on 
arriving  in  Washington,  after  a visit  to  Mr  Henry  Bar- 
nard, the  Commissioner  of  Education,  and  his  zealous 
secretary,  Mr  Angerer,  I hastened  to  pay  a visit  to  the 
illustrious  organizer  of  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau,  General 
Howard  and  his  worthy  colaborer,  Mr  Eliot.  It  was  in 
Washington  that  the  first  schools  for  the  children  of 
freedmen  were  established.  The  schools  are  of  all  grades, 
and  the  general  is  even  constructing  large,  beautiful  edifi- 
ces for  a college  and  a university.  I was  full  of  the  mem- 
ories of  the  most  flourishing  schools  in  the  East,  and  I 
was  well  qualified  to  judge  for  myself  of  the  differences 
in  intellectual  aptitudes  of  the  two  races.  I must  say  that 
I have  been  unable  to  discover  any.  All  the  teachers, 
both  male  and  female,  that  I have  consulted  on  that  point 
are  of  the  same  opinion. 

My  opinion  of  the  intellectual  aptitudes  of  colored  chil- 
dren is  shared  by  men  of  good  faith  who  have,  like  me, 
visited  the  schools  of  the  South.  An  English  traveler, 
Dr  Zincke,  in  an  account  of  his  travels  in  America,  says : 
“ I must  confess  my  astonishment  at  the  intellectual  acute- 
ness displayed  by  a class  of  colored  pupils.  They  had 
acquired,  in  a short  space  of  time,  an  amount  of  knowl- 
edge truly  remarkable ; never  in  any  school  in  England, 
and  I have  visited  many,  have  I found  the  pupils  able  to 
comprehend  so  readily  the  sense  of  their  lessons ; never 
have  I heard  pupils  ask  questions  which  showed  a clearer 
comprehension  of  the  subjects  they  were  studying.” 

What  I saw  at  Oberlin  confirmed  entirely  the  opinion  I 
had  formed  by  my  visits  to  the  schools  of  the  South. 
This  remarkable  institution  is  educating  a large  number 
of  colored  students.  I found  14  young  colored  girls  in 
the  most  advanced  class,  and  they  appeared  in  no  way 
inferior  to  their  white  companions.  In  1868  the  degree 
of  B.  A.  was  conferred  upon  15  young  men  and  10  young 
women.  The  principal  of  the  institution,  in  an  address  to 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  I47 

the  students,  stated  that  in  literary  taste  and  philological 
ability  these  colored  pupils  were  unexcelled  by  any  of 
their  white  fellow-graduates.  The  opinon  of  the  pro- 
fessors at  Oberlin  is  that  there  is  no  difference  in  intelli- 
gence manifested  by  the  two  races.  In  a Greek  class  of 
27  pupils  of  both  races,  instructed  by  a young  lady  of  25 
years,  daughter  of  one  of  the  professors  of  the  college, 
a young  colored  girl  translated  with  exactitude,  a chapter 
of  the  first  book  of  Thucydides.  The  negro  race  con- 
stitutes nearly  a fifth  part  of  the  population  of  Oberlin, 
and  one  of  the  professors  assured  me  that  the  most 
peaceable,  well  behaved,  and  studious  citizens  of  that 
place  belonged  to  the  colored  race.  They  are  associated 
with  the  whites  in  all  business  and  social  relations,  and  no 
animosity  is  exhibited  by  either.  The  white  man  there  is 
no  more  disturbed  at  sitting  beside  a colored  man  in  the 
municipal  council  or  on  the  committee  of  education  than 
in  an  omnibus  or  at  a resturant  table.  This  fair  treatment 
of  the  blacks,  however,  is  by  no  means  universal ; but 
every  day  weakens  the  repugnance  which  has  hitherto 
constituted  an  insuperable  barrier  between  the  two  races 

. . . Report  made  to  the  French  Minister  of  Public 

Instruction  by  M.  Hippeau  on  “ Ecoles  pour  les  Enfans  de 
Couleur”  in  the  United  States — House  Rep’t,  no.  121, 
41st  Cong.  2d  Sess.  p.  22 

A Hampton  view 

When  the  combat  was  over  and  the  “ Yankee  school- 
ma’ams  ” followed  in  the  train  of  the  Northern  armies, 
the  business  of  educating  the  negroes  was  a continuation 
of  hostilities  against  the  vanquished  South,  and  was  so 
regarded,  to  a considerable  extent,  on  both  sides.  Alice 
M.  Bacon,  of  Hampton  Institute,  in  Slater  Fund  Occa- 
sional Papers,  no.  7. 

A southerner’ s estimate 

. . . I have  very  little  respect  for  the  intelligence 

or  the  patriotism  of  the  man  who  doubts  the  capacity 
of  the  negro  for  improvement  or  usefulness.  The  prog- 
ress made  by  the  negroes  in  education,  considering  their 
environments,  their  heredity,  the  abominable  scoundrels 
who  have  come  here  from  other  quarters  to  seduce  and 
lead  them  astray, is  marvelous.  . . It  is  not  just  to  condemn 


1 48 


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the  negro  for  the  education  which  he  received  in  the  early 
years  after  the  war.  That  was  the  period  of  reconstruction, 
the  saturnalia  of  misgovernment,  the  greatest  possible 
hindrance  to  the  progress  of  the  freedmen,  an  immitigable 
curse,  the  malignant  attempt  to  use  the  negro  voter  as  a 
pawn  in  the  corrupt  game  of  manufacturing  members  of 
Congress.  The  education  was  unsettling,  demoralizing, 
pandered  to  a wild  frenzy  for  schooling  as  a quick  method 
of  reversing  social  and  political  conditions.  Nothing 
could  have  been  better  devised  for  deluding  the  poor 
negro,  and  making  him  the  tool,  the  slave  of  corrupt  task- 
masters. Education  is  a natural  consequence  of  citizen- 
ship and  enfranchisement,  I should  say  of  freedom  and 
humanity.  But  with  deliberate  purpose  to-  subject  the 
Southern  States  to  negro  domination,  and  secure  the  states 
permanently  for  partizan  ends,  the  education  adopted  was 
contrary  to  common  sense,  to  human  experience,  to  all 
noble  purposes.  The  curriculum  was  for  a people  m 
highest  degree  of  civilization ; the  aptitude  and  capabili- 
ties and  needs  of  the  negro  were  wholly  disregarded. 
Especial  stress  was  laid  on  classics  and  liberal  culture  to 
bring  the  race  per  saltum  to  the  same  plane  with  their 
former  masters,  and  realize  the  theory  of  social  and  politi- 
cal equality.  A race  more  highly  civilized,  with  best  hered- 
ities and  environments,  could  not  have  been  coddled  with 
more  disregard  of  all  the  teachings  of  human  history  and 
the  necessities  of  the  race.  Colleges  and  universities, 
established  and  conducted  by  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau  and 
northern  churches  and  societies,  sprang  up  like  mush- 
rooms, and  the  teachers,  ignorant,  fanatical,  without  self- 
poise, proceeded  to  make  all  possible  mischief.  It  is 
irrational,  cruel  to  hold  the  negro,  under  such  strange  con- 
ditions, responsible  for  all  the  ill  consequences  of  bad 
education,  unwise  teachers,  reconstruction  villanies  and 
partizan  schemes.  To  educate  at  all,  slowly,  was  a gigan- 
tic task.  /.  L.  M.  Curry , in  Montgomery  Conference 
Proceedings,  p.  108-g 
Industrial  reconstruction 

1 Tendencies  in  1865.  Condition  of  the  negro. 

2 Conditions  in  1870.  Letter  of  Samford. 

3 Opposition  to  immigration  in  South  Carolina  1873. 

4 Relation  of  race  to  cotton  production. 

5 Opinion  of  W.  F.  Willcox. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  1 49 

Condition  of  the  negro  in  1865 

. . . Poor  and  dependent  as  most  of  the  freedmen 

are,  I found  that  a considerable  number  had  money. 
Among  the  former  free  people  many  had  reached  a con- 
dition above  want,  and  in  the  large  towns  and  cities  there 
are  individuals  who  might  be  called  rich.  These  men,  in 
some  cases,  purchased  themselves  from  slavery,  and  are 
mechanics,  keepers  of  groceries  and  wood  yards,  butchers, 
market  men  and  women,  owning  their  own  dwellings  in 
the  town  or  its  suburbs,  and  some  with  small  plantations. 
In  Louisiana  there  are  colored  creoles  who  are  merchants, 
bankers,  and  large  planters,  each  handling  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  dollars.  On  the  bayous  back  of  Baton  Rouge 
there  are  a number  of  these  colored  planters,  each  said  to 
be  worth  near  half  a million.  These  men  are  enterprising, 
are  destined  to  increase  in  numbers  and  in  wealth,  and 
they  seem  to  act  unitedly  and  strongly  for  the  education 
and  advancement  of  the  whole  colored  race. 

Even  the  low  class  of  free  blacks  and  the  slaves  had  laid 
aside  small  sums  of  money,  usually  in  coin,  and  this  is 
now  found  in  some  secret  box  or  old  stocking,  blackened 
with  rust,  no  longer  kept  hid  from  fear,  but  cheerfully 
used  for  what  they  need  in  freedom.  A considerable 
number  had  been  persuaded  to  place  these  funds  in  the 
former  savings  bank  of  the  south.  Many  thousands  of 
dollars  of  such  money  went  to  Richmond  to  sustain  the 
Confederacy,  and  to  be  lost  forever  to  these  people.  One 
colored  church  in  Savannah  had  $2000  thus  deposited. 
But  there  are  multitudes  who  as  yet  know  nothing  of 
thrift.  Slavery  prevented  all  forecasting  of  thought,  and, 
in  general,  every  possibility  of  improvement.  Now,  how- 
ever, a change  has  come.  There  are,  indeed,  those  who 
are  too  degraded  perhaps  ever  to  be  recovered.  Their 
minds  are  childish  and  dark.  But  pay  for  labor  puts  even 
these  to  thinking  of  the  value  of  things.  The  wants  and 
opportunities  of  freedom  show  the  worth  of  money,  and 
what  can  be  done  with  it.  Time,  however,  will  be  needed 
for  the  whole  effect.  Much  patient  instruction  is  called 
for.  But  in  every  direction  industry  is  seen  to  start  under 
the  impulse  of  prompt  reward,  and  if  kind  treatment 
accompanies  it,  there  will  soon  be  on  this  whole  subject 
little  to  complain  of. 

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150 


Already  homesteads  are  being  purchased,  and  many 
more  would  be  if  there  was  opportunity.  The  freedmen 
have  a passion  for  land.  Where  little  can  be  obtained, 
they  are  always  purchasers.  The  tax  commissioners  of 
South  Carolina  told  me  they  had  given  over  600  “ certifi- 
cates of  title  ” to  real  estate  to  colored  men.  I know  one 
man  on  St  Helena  island — a slave  formerly  on  an  adjoin- 
ing plantation — who  now  owns  a farm  of  315  acres,  works 
20  laborers,  has  12  cows,  a yoke  of  oxen,  four  horses,  20 
swine ; and  he  showed  me,  with  very  pardonable  pride, 
his  58  acres  of  the  best  sea  island  cotton  I saw  anywhere, 
52  acres  of  corn,  besides  a number  of  acres  of  provision 
crops.  He  had  been  helped  some  by  the  Union  officer  to 
whom  he  had,  for  a year  or  more  in  the  war,  been  a 
servant ; bkt  he  expected  soon  to  be  wholly  out  of  debt. 
This  man  could  neither  read  nor  write,  and  his  children 
aided  him  in  his  accounts.  There  are  a number  of  men 
on  Edisto  and  the  other  sea  islands  who  are  only  waiting 
the  action  of  government  in  permitting  them  to  have  lands 
to  engage  in  similar  operations.  . . Report  of  J.  W. 

Ahord,  inspector  of  bureau  schools,  Jan.  1,  1866,  in  Sen. 
Ex.  Doc.  no.  27,  39th  Cong.  1st  Sess.  p.  120 


Conditions  in  1870 


We  are  today  [1870]  poorer  than  we  were  on  the  day 


\ of  the  surrender  of  the  Southern  armies.  Our  carpet- 
baggers and  nigger  scalawags  have  imposed  intolerable 
taxation  upon  a people  already  crushed  to  the  earth.  A 
(W&ep  and  sullen  gloom  is  settling  upon  the  Southern  heart. 
Twelve  cents  for  cotton  and  25  cents  for  bacon  and  150 
dollars  and  rations  for  a negro  idler  . . . for  laborer  he 
will  not  be — winds  up  the  plantation  business.  Why  don’t 
we  raise  hogs  and  make  our  own  bacon  ? Why  a hog  has  no 
more  chance  to  live  among  these  thieving  negro  farmers 
than  a june  bug  in  a gang  of  puddle  ducks.  . . All 

this  great  staple-producing  region  is  essentially  upon  the 
sheriff’s  block.  Transactions  of  Ala.  Hist.  Soc.  v.  4, 
letter  from  William  F.  Samford , quoted  in  article  by 
George  Petrie 


Opposition  to  immigration 


And  so  in  the  matter  of  immigration.  The  material 
interests  of  the  state  [South  Carolina]  clearly  demand  it. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1 865-76  1 5 1 

But  the  blacks  are  against  it,  as  they  fear  its  political 
consequences.  A late  debate  in  the  Senate  [1873]  illus- 
trated this.  A bill  was  up  to  exempt  new  railroad  enter- 
prises and  various  enumerated  kinds  of  manufactures 
from  taxation.  A black  leader  debated  it,  and  in  the 
course  of  his  remarks  took  occasion  to  say  he  had  heard, 
or  overheard,  a good  deal  from  the  class  of  people  whom 
this  legislation  was  designed  to  benefit ; that  it  was  in- 
tended to  overslaugh  and  crowd  out  the  blacks  by  foreign 
immigrants,  to  be  introduced  into  the  state  by  wholesales. 
Now,  he  wanted  everybody  to  understand  that  the  blacks 
did  not  intend  to  be  crowded  out,  but  that  they  proposed 
to  stand  their  ground  and,  “ fight  this  thing  out  to  the 
bitter  end.”  Hie  said  they  might  bring  on  their  immi- 
grants, and  they  would  find  the  blacks  ready  for  them. 
Pike,  The  Prostrate  State , p.  55 

Relation  of  race  to  cotton  production 

1 Where  the  blacks  are  in  excess  of  the  whites  there 
are  the  originally  most  fertile  lands  of  the  state.  The 
natural  advantages  of  the  soils  are,  however,  more  than 
counterbalanced  by  the  bad  system  prevailing  in  such 
sections,  viz,  large  farms  rented  out  in  patches  to  laborers 
who  are  too  poor  and  too  much  in  debt  to  merchants 
to  have  any  interest  in  keeping  up  the  fertility  of  the  soil, 
or  rather  the  ability  to  keep  it  up,  with  the  natural  conse- 
quences of  its  rapid  exhaustion  and  a product  per  acre  on 
these,  the  best  lands  of  the  state,  lower  than  that  which  is 
realized  from  the  very  poorest. 

2 Where  the  two  races  are  in  nearly  equal  proportions, 
or  where  the  whites  are  in  only  slight  excess  over  the 
blacks,  as  in  the  case  in  all  the  sections  where  the  soils 
are  of  average  fertility,  there  is  found  the  system  of  small 
farms  worked  generally  by  the  owners,  a consequently 
better  cultivation,  a more  general  use  of  commercial  fer- 
tilizers, a correspondingly  high  product  per  acre,  and  a 
partial  maintenance  of  the  fertility  of  the  soils. 

3 Where  the  white  are  greatly  in  excess  of  the  blacks 
(three  to  one  and  above),  the  soils  are  almost  certain  to 
be  below  the  average  in  fertility,  and  the  product  per 
acre  is  low  from  this  cause,  notwithstanding-  the  redeem- 
ing influences  of  a comparatively  rational  system  of  culti- 
vation. 


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4 The  exceptions  to  these  general  rules  are  nearly  al- 
ways due  to  local  causes,  which  are  not  far  to  seek,  and 
which  afford  generally  a satisfactory  explanation  of  the 
discrepancies.  E.  A.  Smith,  Cotton  Production  of  the 
Stale  of  Alabama  [1884 ],  p.  62-64 

. . . With  the  coming  in  of  such  citizens  as  this 

section  is  now  receiving  and  with  the  going  out  of  many 
of  our  most  trifling  negroes,  the  productive  power  of  our 
people  will  be  greatly  increased.  One  of  the  greatest 
losses  the  South  has  is  the  low  productive  capacity  of  her 
colored  population.  By  improving  the  intelligence,  in- 
dustry and  skill  of  her  farm  laborers  the  South  can  double 
her  cotton  production  with  every  other  condition  remain- 
ing the  same.  To  become  convinced  of  this  one  has  only 
to  examine  the  statistics  of  the  last  census  [1900],  which 
shows  the  following  facts : 

Lowndes  county,  with  three  negroes  to  one  white  man, 
having  21,972  black  and  7,121  whites,  requires  3.15  acr.es 
to  make  a bale  of  cotton,  while  Jones  county,  with  three 
whites  to  one  negro,  having  13,156  whites  and  4,670 
blacks,  requires  1.98  acres  to  make  a bale.  The  farm 
lands  of  Jones  county  are  valued,  as  found  in  the  census 
report,  at  $2.85  an  acre,  and  the  farm  lands  of  Lowndes 
county  are  valued  at  $9.83  an  acre.  Yet  the  poor  lands  of 
Jones  county,  under  intelligent  cultivation,  produced 
nearly  twice  as  much  per  acre  as  the  rich  lands  of  Lowndes 
county  when  cultivated  mostly  by  negroes.  Noxubee 
county,  with  more  than  five  blacks  to  one  white,  having 
26,146  blacks  and  4,699  whites,  requires  3.5  acres  to  make 
a bale  of  cotton,  while  Lhiion  county,  with_three  whites 
to  one  black,  having  12,380  whites  and  4,142  blacks,  re- 
quires only  2.56  acres  to  make  a bale.  The  farm  lands  of 
Noxubee  county  are  valued  at  $7.12  and  the  lands  of 
Union  are  valued  at  $4.81.  Hinds  county,  with  three 
negroes  to  one  white  man,  having  39,521  blacks  and  13,037 
whites,  requires  2.5  acres  to  make  a bale,  while  Perry 
county,  with  more  than  two  whites  to  one  negro,  requires 
only  1.96  acres  to  make  a bale.  The  farm  lands  of  Hinds 
are  valued  at  three  times  as  much  as  are  those  of  Perry. 
In  the  counties  of  Leflore,  Boliver  and  Washington,  where 
they  have  about  eight  negroes  to  one  white  man,  but 
almost  without  exception  the  negroes  are  under  white 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  I 53 

managers,  they  make  one  bale  to  every  acre  and  a half, 
while  in  Lowndes,  Noxubee  and  Monroe,  where  not  many 
white  managers  are  employed,  they  make  on  an  average 
about  one  bale  to  three  acres.  While  this  difference  is 
partly  caused  by  a difference  in  the  fertility  of  the  two 
groups  of  three  counties,  yet  the  principal  reason  is  due 
to  the  superior  intelligence  used  in  the  management  of 
the  first  group.  This  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  in  every 
comparison  made  between  a white  county  and  a black 
one  the  black  was  the  most  fertile,  yet  the  white  was 
nearly  twice  as  productive.  “Southern  Whites  in  Cotton 
Production,”  by  Pres.  J.  C.  Hardy  of  the  Miss.  A.  & M. 
College  in  “South’s  Supremacy  in  Cotton  Growing”  p. 
9.  Pub.  in  1004  by  Manufacturers  Record 

Opinion  of  a statistician 

. . . I have  no  time  to  go  into  complex  statistical 

evidence  bearing  upon  the  vitality  of  the  negro  race,  and 
its  power  to  meet  successfully  the  increasing  industrial 
competition,  to  which  it  must  be  exposed,  as  these  states 
fill  with  people,  as  cities  spring  up  and  prosper,  and  as 
industry,  trade  and  agriculture  become  diversified  and 
more  complex.  The  balance  of  the  evidence,  however, 
seems  to  me  to  indicate  for  the  future  a continuance  of 
changes  already  begun,  viz,  a decrease  in  the  negro  birth 
rate  decidedly  more  rapid  than  the  actual  present  or  prob- 
able future  decrease  in  the  death  rate.  This  would  result 
obviously  in  a slackening  rate  of  increase,  and  then  in  a 
stationary  condition,  followed  by  slow  numerical  retro- 
gression. If  this  anticipation  should  be  realized  the 
negroes  will  continue  to  become,  as  they  are  now  becom- 
ing, a steadily  smaller  proportion  of  the  population. 

The  final  outcome,  though  its  realization  may  be  post- 
poned for  centuries,  will  be  I believe,  that  the  race  will 
follow  the  fate  of  the  Indians,  that  the  great  majority 
will  disappear  before  the  whites,  and  that  the  remnant 
found  capable  of  elevation  to  the  level  of  the  white  man’s 
civilization  will  utimately  be  merged  and  lost  in  the 
lower  classes  of  the  whites,  leaving  almost  no  trace  to 
mark  their  former  existence. 

Where  such  a lower  people  has  disappeared,  the  causes 
of  their  death  have  been  disease,  vice  and  profound  dis- 


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couragement.  It  seems  to  me  clear  that  each  one  of  these 
causes  is  affecting  the  negro  race  far  more  deeply  and 
unfavorably  at  the  present  time  than  it  was  at  the  date 
of  their  emancipation.  The  medical  evidence  available 
points  to  the  conclusion  that  they  are  more  than  ever 
afflicted  with  the  scourges  of  disease,  such  as  typhoid 
fever  and  consumption,  and  with  the  physical  ills  entailed 
by  sexual  vice.  I have  argued  elsewhere  to  show  that 
both  in  the  North  and  in  the  South  crime  among  the 
negroes  is  rapidly  increasing.  Whether  the  race  as  a 
whole  is  happy,  as  joyous,  as  confident  of  the  future,  or 
thoughtless  of  it,  as  it  was  before  the  war,  you,  my 
hearers,  know  far  better  than  I.  I can  only  say  that  in 
my  studies  I have  found  not  one  expression  of  dissent 
from  the  opinion  that  the  joyous  buoyancy  of  the  race  is 
passing  away ; that  they  feel  upon  them  a burden  of  re- 
sponsibility to  which  they  are  unequal ; that  the  lower 
classes  of  negroes  are  resentful,  and  that  the  better  classes 
not  certain  or  sanguine  of  the  outcome.  If  this  judg- 
ment be  true,  I can  only  say  that  it  is  perhaps  the  most  fatal 
source  of  race  as  of  national  decay  and  death.  IV.  F. 
Willcox,  in  Montgomery  Conference  Proceedings,  p.  755- 

56 

Important  U.  S.  Supreme  Court  decisions 


1 Cummings  v.  Missouri 

4 

Wallace 

277 

2 Ex  parte  Garland 

. . . 4 

U 

333 

3 Ex  parte  Milligan 

4 

U 

2 

4 Ex  parte  McCardle 

. . . 6 

u 

3*8 

5 Ex  parte  McCardle . 

.. . 7 

(( 

506 

6 Mississippi  v.  Johnson  

. . . 4 

ct 

475 

7 Georgia  v.  Stanton  

. . . 6 

(( 

50 

8 Georgia  v.  Grant 

...  6 

(C 

241 

9 The  Grapeshot  

...  7 

(C 

563 

10  The  Grapeshot  

.. . 9 

u 

129 

11  Texas  v.  White  

. . . 7 

u 

700 

12  Virginia  v.  West  Virginia 

11 

<( 

39 

13  Hamlin  v.  Wyckliffe 

12 

u 

174 

14  United  States  v.  Klein  

. . . 13 

(C 

128 

RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  1 55 


15  The  Slaughterhouse  cases 16  “ 636 

16  White  v.  Hart  13  “ 646 

17  Legal  tender  cases 12  “ 457 

18  United  States  v.  Reese 92  U.  S.  214 

19  LTnited  States  v.  Harris 106  “ 629 

20  Civil  rights  cases 109  “ 3 

21  Mills  v.  Green  159  “ 651 

22  Williams  v.  Mississippi  170  “ 213 

23  Wiley  v.  Sinkler 179  “ 58 

24  Mason  v.  Missouri  179  “ 328 

25  Swafford  v.  Templeton 185  “ 487 

26  Giles  v.  Harris 189  “ 475 

27  Rogers  v.  Alabama  192  “ 226 

28  Giles  v.  Teasley 193  “ 146 

29  Pope  v.  Williams  193  “ 621 


156 


HOME  EDUCATION  SYLLABUS 


LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES 

The  books  starred  are  most  useful  for  extension  courses.  The  articles  on 
reconstruction  in  the  Atlantic  Monthly  during  1901  are  very  useful.  U.  S. 
Public  Documents  contain  much  material  on  reconstruction.  Use  the  “ Tables 
and  Index  to  Public  Documents published  by  the  Government  Printing  Office 
in  1902.  The  debates  in  Congress  are  found  in  the  Congressional  Globe , each 
volume  of  which  has  a poor  index.  The  Library  of  Congress  has  published 
useful  bibliographies  of  “ The  Negro  Question,”  “ Impeachment,”  etc.  which 
are  distributed  free.  More  valuable  than  any  of  these  authorities  mentioned 
will  be  a work  on  the  reconstruction  period  by  W.  G.  Brown  announced  by 
Macmillan  and  one  by  W.  A.  Dunning  announced  by  Ilarper. 

Allen,  W.  A.  Governor  Chamberlain’^  Administration  in 
South  Carolina,  por.  O.  1888.  Putnam  $3. 

American  Annual  Cyclopedia,  1861-75.  v.  1-15,  with  index. 
il.Q.  N.  Y.  1863-76. 

American  Negro  Academy.  Occasional  Papers.  No.  1-10. 

Washington  D.  C.  1897-1902.  25c  ea. 

^Andrews,  E.  B.  The  United  States  in  Our  Own  Time.  il.  O. 
N.  Y.  1903.  Scribner  $5. 

Andrews,  S.  The  South  Since  the  War.  N.  Y.  1866. 

Bancroft,  F.  A.  Life  of  William  Henry  Seward.  2v.  O.  N.  Y. 
1900.  Harper  $5. 

Sketch  of  the  Negro  in  Politics,  especially  in 

South  Carolina  and  Mississippi.  92  p.  O.  IN.  Y.  1885. 
Barnes,  W.  H.  History  of  the  39th  Congress  of  United 
States.  por.  O.  N.  Y.  1868.  Harper  $5. 

Beard,  J.  M.  K.  K.  K.  Sketches,  Humorous  and  Didactic: 
Kuklux  Klan  Movement  in  the  South.  D.  Phil.  1877. 
Claxton  $1.25. 

Bigelow,  John.  Life  of  Samuel  J.  Tilden.  2 v.  por.  pi.  O. 
1895.  Harper  $6. 

*Blaine,  J.  G.  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,  from  Lincoln  to 
Garfield.  2 v.  por.  O.  Norwich  Ct.  1884.  Bill  $3-75  subs. 
Boutwell,  G.  S.  Reminiscences  of  60  Years  in  Public  Affairs. 

2 v.  O.  N.Y.  1902.  McClure  $5  n. 

Brackett,  J.  R.  Notes  on  the  Progress  of  the  Colored  People 
of  Maryland  since  the  War.  96  p.  O.  Johns  Hopkins  Univ. 
$1.  (Johns  Hopkins  Univ.  Studies,  ser.  8,  no.  7-9) 

*Brown,  W.  G.  History  of  the  United  States  since  the  Civil 
War.  Macmillan.  In  press. 

* The  Lower  South  in  American  History.  271  p.  D. 

1902.  Macmillan  $1.50  n. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  1 57 


*Bruce,  P.  A.  Plantation  Negro  as  a Freeman.  262  p.  D. 

N.Y.  1889.  Putnam  $1.25.  (Questions  of  the  Day) 
*Burgess,  J.  W.  Reconstruction  and  the  Constitution,  1866- 
1876.  D.  N.Y.  1902.  Scribner  $1  n. 

Callender,  E.  B.  Memoirs  of  Thaddeus  Stevens,  Commoner. 
Bost.  1882.  DeWolfe  $1.25. 

Cambridge  Modern  History;  ed.  by  A.  W.  Ward  & others. 

v.  7 The  United  States.  N.Y.  1903.  Macmillan  $4  n. 
*Chadsey,  C.  E.  Struggle  between  President  Johnson  and 
Congress  over  the  Reconstruction.  N.Y.  1896.  Macmillan 
$1  n. 

Chandler,  J.  A.  C.  History  of  Suffrage  in  Virginia.  O.  Bal- 
timore 1901.  Johns  Hopkins  Univ.  50c.  (Johns  Hopkins 
Univ.  Studies  ser.  19,  no.  6-7) 

Clay-Clopton,  Mrs  V.  A Belle  of  the  Fifties.  N.  Y.  1904. 
Doubleday  $2.73  n. 

Clayton,  Mrs  V.  V.  White  and  Black  under  the  Old  Regime. 

per.  S.  Milwaukee  Wis.  1899.  Young  Churchman  $1  n. 
Clowes,  W.  L.  Black  America;  a Study  of  the  Ex-Slave  and 
his  Late  Master.  240  p.  map.  D.  N.  Y.  1891.  Cassell  $1.50. 
*Cox,  S.  S.  Union,  Disunion,  Reunion:  Three  Decades  of 
Federal  Legislation,  1855-1885.  726  p.  por.  O.  Providence 
R.  I.  1886.  Reid  $4.50  subs. 

Curtis,  G.  T.  Constitutional  History  of  the  United  States 
from  their  Declaration  of  Independence  to  the  Close  of  the 
Civil  War.  2 v.  O.  1896.  Harper  $3. 

*DeWitt,  D.  M.  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Andrew  Johnson. 
646  p.  O.  1903.  Macmillan  $3. 

Douglass,  Frederick.  Life  and  Times.  7 52  p.  por.  pi.  O.  Bost. 
1895.  DeWolfe  $2.50. 

-"DuBois,  W.  E.  B.  Souls  of  Black  Folk.  Chic.  1902. 
McClurg  $1. 

*Dunning,  W.  A.  Essays  on  the  Civil  War  and  Reconstruc- 
tion. 376  p.  D.  1898.  Macmillan  $2. 

*  Reconstruction,  Political  and  Economic.  N.  Y. 

Harper  $2.  In  press. 

Eckenrode,  H.  J.  Political  History  of  Virginia  during  Recon- 
struction. Baltimore  1904.  Johns  Hopkins  Univ. 

Fertig,  J.  W.  Secession  and  Reconstruction  of  Tennessee.  O. 

Chic.  1896.  University  of  Chicago  75c  n.  pap. 

^Fleming,  W.  L.  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction  in  Alabama. 
Columbia  Univ.  In  press. 

*  Documents  relating  to  Reconstruction.  256  p.  O. 

Morgantown  W.  Va.  1904.  $1.50  n. 


158 


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Fortune,  T.  T.  Black  and  White:  Law,  Labor  and  Politics 
in  the  South.  O.  N.Y.  1884.  Fords  $1. 

Foulke,  W.  D.  Life  of  Oliver  P.  Morton.  2 v.  O.  Indianap- 
olis Ind.  1899.  Bowen  $6. 

*Garner,  J.  W.  Reconstruction  in  Mississippi.  O.  N.Y.  1901. 
Macmillan  $3  n. 

Gibson,  A.  M.  A Political  Crime.  D.  N.Y.  1885.  Gotts- 
berger  $1.50. 

Gorham,  G.  C.  Life  and  Public  Services  of  Edwin  M.  Stan- 
ton. 2 v.  por.  maps,  facsim.  O.  Bost.  1901.  Houghton  $6. 

[Government  Printing  Office].  The  Impeachment  of  the  Presi- 
dent. 3 v.  O.  Washington  1868. 

Grady,  H.  W.  New  South.  273  p.  por.  S.  N.Y.  1890.  Bonner 

$1. 

Gunby,  A.  A.  Negro  Education.  1904.  N.  O.  Thomassen. 

Guthrie,  W.  D.  Lectures  on  the  14th  Amendment  to  the 
Constitution  of  United  States.  O.  Bost.  1898.  Little 
$2.53  n. 

Hague,  P.  A.  A Blockaded  Family;  Life  in  South  Alabama 
during  the  Civil  War.  176  p.D.  Bost.  1894.  Houghton  $1. 

Hammond,  M.  B.  Cotton  Industry,  pt  1 Cotton  Culture 
and  Cotton  Trade.  O.  1897.  Macmillan  $2  n. 

Harrell,  J.  M.  The  Brooks  and  Baxter  War;  a History  of 
the  Reconstruction  in  Arkansas.  O.  St  Louis  1894. 
Slawson  $1.75. 

Harris,  J.  C.  Georgia ; from  Invasion  of  DeSoto  to  Recent 
Times.  315  p.  il.  pi.  O.  N.Y.  1896.  Appleton  $1.50.  (Stor- 
ies from  American  History) 

*Hart,  A.  B.  ed.  American  History  told  by  Contemporaries, 
v.  4 Welding  of  the  Nation,  1845-1900.  N.Y.  1901.  Mac- 
millan $2  n. 

■ Salmon  Portland  Chase.  465  p.  D.  Bost.  1899. 

Houghton  $1.25.  (American  Statesmen) 

Haygood,  A.  G.  Our  Brother  in  Black;  his  Freedom  and  his 
Future.  D.  N.Y.  1881.  Phillips  $1. 

^Herbert,  H.  A.  Why  the  Solid  South;  or,  Reconstruction 
and  its  Results.  452  p.D.  Baltimore  1890.  Woodward 
$1.25. 

Hoar,  G.  F.  Autobiography  of  70  years.  2 v.  por.  O.  N.Y. 
1903.  Scribner  $7.50  n. 

Hoffman,  F.  L.  Race  Traits  and  Tendencies  of  the  American 
Negro.  O.  N.Y.  1896.  Macmillan  $2. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  1 59 


Hollis,  J.  P.  Early  Reconstruction  Period  in  South  Carolina. 

Baltimore  1905.  Johns  Hopkins  Univ. 

Ingle,  Edward.  Negro  in  District  of  Columbia.  Baltimore 
1893.  Johns  Hopkins  Univ.  $1  pap.  (Johns  Hopkins 
Univ.  Studies,  ser.  11,  no.  3-4) 

*Kelsey.  The  Negro  Farmer.  Chic.  1903.  Jennings  & Pye 
50c  pap. 

Kennaway.  On  Sherman’s  Track;  or,  The  South  after  the 
War.  D.  Lond.  1869. 

King,  Edward.  The  Great  South;  Record  of  Journeyings  in 
1872-73.  il.  map.  O.  Hartford  1873.  Am.  Pub.  Co.  $6. 
Lalor,  J.  J.  cd.  Cyclopedia  of  Political  Science,  Political 
Economy  and  of  the  Political  History  of  the  United 
States.  3 v.  Q.  N.Y.  1895.  Maynard  $15. 

LeConte,  J.  Autobiography.  N.Y.  1904.  Appleton  $1.25  n. 

Lee,  G.  C.  True  History  of  the  Civil  War.  421  p.  por.  maps, 
facsim.  O.  Phil.  1904.  Lippincott  $2  n. 

*Lee,  k.  E.  Recollections  and  Letters  of  Gen.  Robert  E.  Lee. 
N.Y.  1904.  Doubleday  $2.50  n. 

*Lester,  J.  C.  & Wilson,  D.  L.  Ku  Klux  Klan ; its  Origin, 
Growth  and  Disbandment.  T.  Nashville  1884.  Wheeler 
23c  pap. 

Livermore,  T.  L.  Numbers  and  Losses  in  the  Civil  War, 
1861-63.  O.  Bost.  1900.  Houghton  $1  n. 

Lothrop,  T.  K.  William  Henry  Seward.  446  p.  D.  Bost.  1896. 

Houghton  $1.23.  (American  Statesmen) 

*McCall,  S.  W.  Thaddeus  Stevens.  5-369  p.  D.  Bost.  1899. 

Houghton  $1.25.  (American  Statesmen) 

McCarthy,  C.  H.  Lincoln’s  Plan  of  Reconstruction.  O. 

N.Y.  1901.  McClure  $3  n. 

^McCulloch,  Hugh.  Men  and  Measures  of  Half  a Century. 

542  p.O.  N.Y.  1889.  Scribner  $4. 

’■'MacDonald,  William,  ed.  Select  Statutes  and  Other  Docu- 
ments Illustrative  of  United  States  History,  1861-98.  O. 

N. Y.  1903.  Macmillan  $2  n. 

McPherson,  Edward.  Handbook  of  Politics;  1872,  1874,  1876. 

O.  Washington  1872,  1874,  1876.  Solomons  $2.50  ea. 
Political  History  of  the  Rebellion.  Washington 

1876.  Solomons  $3. 

Political  History  of  Reconstruction.  Washington 

1875.  Solomons  $3. 


i6o 


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Mayes,  Edward.  L.  Q.  C.  Lamar;  his  Life,  Times  and 
Speeches.  Nashville  1896.  Barbee  $3. 

^Montgomery  Conference.  Race  Problems.  Richmond  1900. 
Johnson  $1. 

Montgomery,  F.  A.  Reminiscences  of  a Mississippian  in 
Peace  and  War.  O.  Cincinnati  O.  1901.  Clarke  $5. 
*Morse,  J.  T.  Abraham  Lincoln.  2 v.  1 por.  map,  D.  Bost. 

1898.  Houghton  $2.50.  (American  Statesmen) 

*Murphy,  E.  G.  Problems  of  the  Present  South.  D.  N.Y. 
1904.  Macmillan  $1.50. 

Nicolay,  J.  G.  & Hay,  John.  Abraham  Lincoln;  a history. 
10  v.  il.  pi.  por.  maps,  facsim.  O.  N.Y.  1890.  Century  $3 
ea.  subs. 

ed.  Complete  Works  of  Lincoln.  2 v.  por.  O. 

N.Y.  1894.  Century  $5  ea.  subs. 

*Nordhoff,  Charles.  The  Cotton  States  in  the  Spring  and 
Summer  of  1875.  O.  N.  Y.  1876.  Appleton  50c  pap. 

Our  Women  in'  the  War.  O.  Charleston  1885.  News  & 
Courier  $1.50. 

*Page,  T.  N.  The  Negro:  the  Southerner’s  Problem.  N.Y. 
1904.  Scribner  $1.25  n. 

Perry,  A.  S.  History  American  Episcopal  Church,  v.  2.  Bost. 
1874.  $1.50. 

[Peterson,  T.  B.]  The  Great  Impeachment  and  Trial  of  An- 
drew Johnson.  289  p.  O.  Phil.  Peterson. 

Pierce,  E.  L.  Enfranchisement  and  Citizenship.  O.  Bost. 
1896.  Roberts. 

*Pierce,  P.  S.  The  Freedmen’s  Bureau.  O.  Iowa  City.  Univ. 
of  Iowa  $1  pap. 

Pike,  J.  S.  Prostrate  State;  or  South  Carolina  under  Negro 
Government.  D.  N.Y.  1874.  Appleton  $1. 

Platts,  O.  H.  & others.  America’s  Race  Problems.  Phil. 

1901.  Amer.  Acad.  Pol.  Sci.  $1.50. 

Pollard,  E.  A.  Lost  Cause,  with  Life  of  Jefferson  Davis. 
Treat  $5- 

Lost  Cause  Regained.  778  p.  por.  O.  N.  Y.  1890. 

Treat  $5. 

Porcher,  F.  A.  Reconstruction  in  South  Carolina.  Richmond 
1884.  So.  Hist.  Soc. 

Pryor,  Mrs  R.  A.  Reminiscences  of  Peace  and  War.  N.  Y. 
1904.  Macmillan  $2  n. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SECEDED  STATES  1865-76  l6l 


Publications  of  the  Mississippi  Historical  Society,  v.  2-8. 

Reid,  Whitelaw.  After  the  War;  A Southern  Tour,  1865-66. 

il.  D.  Cincinnati  1866.  Wilstach  $2.50. 

Rhodes,  J.  F.  History  of  the  United  States  Since  the  Com- 
promise of  1810.  v.  5.  N.Y.  1904.  Macmillan  $2.50  n. 
Richardson.  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents,  v.  6 
to  8.  Washington,  D.  C.  Gov’t  Printing  Office. 

Richardson,  S.  P.  Lights  and  Shadows  of  Itinerant  Life. 
Nashville  1900.  Barbee  $1. 

[Rives  & Bailey].  Proceedings  in  the  Trial  of  Andrew  John- 
son. O.  Washington  1868.  Rives  & Bailey. 

Royall,  W:  L.  History  of  the  Virginia  Debt.  Controversy.  D. 
Richmond  1897.  West. 

Saunders,  J.  E.  & Stubbs,  Mrs  Eliz.  Early  Settlers  of  Ala- 
bama. N.  O.  1899.  $3. 

Scott,  E.  G.  Reconstruction  during  the  Civil  War.  O.  Bost. 
1895.  Houghton  $2. 

Shaler,  N.  S.  The  Citizen.  N.Y.  1904.  Barnes  $1.40  n. 
Kentucky.  10+443  p.  map.  D.  Bost.  1897.  Hough- 
ton $1.25.  (American  Commonwealths) 

Sheridan,  P.  H.  Personal  Memoirs  of  Gen.  P.  H.  Sheridan. 

2 v.  il.  map.  por.  O.  N.Y.  1888.  Webster  $6  subs. 

Sherman,  John.  Recollections  of  40  years  in  the  House, 
Senate  and  Cabinet.  2 vi  pi.  por.  facsim.  O.  Chic.  1895. 
Werner  $7.50  n.  subs. 

Sherman,  W.  T.  Memoirs,  v.  2.  O.  N.  Y.  1875.  Appleton 
2 v.  S5.50. 

Slater  Fund  Trustees,  Occasional  Papers,  nos.  1-10.  Balti- 
more 1894-97.  25c  ea. 

*Smedes,  S.  D.  Memorials  of  a Southern  Planter.  D.  N.  Y. 
1900.  Pott  $1.25. 

Smith,  E.  A.  Report  on  Cotton  Production  in  Alabama; 

Census  of  1880.  Washington  1884.  Gov’t. 

Smith,  W.  B.  The  Color  Line.  N.Y.  1905.  Doubleday  $1.50. 
Smith,  W.  H.  Political  History  of  Slavery.  2 v.  O.  N.Y. 
1903.  Putnam  $4.50. 

Somers,  Robert.  The  Southern  States  since  the  War.  Map. 

O.  N.Y.  1871.  Macmillan  $3.50. 

South  Carolina  Women  in  the  Confederacy;  ed.  by  Mrs 
Thomas  Taylor  and  others.  O.  Columbia  1903.  South 
Carolina  Women  $2  n. 

Spahr,  C.  B.  America’s  Working  People.  D.  N.Y.  1900. 
Longmans  $1.25. 


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162 

Stearns,  C.  W.  Black  Man  of  the  South  and  the  Rebels;  or 
Characteristics  of  the  Former  and  Recent  Outrages  of 
the  Latter.  562  p.  pi.  D.  N.Y.  1872. 

*Storey,  Moorfield.  Charles  Sumner.  466  p.  D.  Bost.  1900. 
Houghton  $1.25. 

Talbot,  Mrs  E.  A.  Samuel  Chapman  Armstrong.  N.  Y.  1904. 
Doubleday  $1.50. 

Taylor,  Richard.  Destruction  and  Reconstruction.  O.  N.Y. 
1900.  Appleton  $3. 

Thomas,  W.  H.  The  American  Negro.  440  p.  O.  N.Y.  1901. 
Macmillan  $2. 

*Tillinghast,  J.  A.  Negro  in  Africa  and  America.  231  p.  O. 
N.Y.  1902.  Macmillan  $1.50  n.  (Amer.  Economic  Ass’n 
Pub.  ser.  3,  v.  3.  no.  2) 

Transactions  of  the  Alabama  Historical  Society,  v.  4.  Montgom- 
ery 1905. 

Tribune  Almanac.  1865-1877.  D.  N.Y.  Tribune  25c. 
Trowbridge,  J.  T.  The  South;  A Tour  of  its  Battlefields  and 
Ruined  Cities.  5go  p.  il.  pi.  O.  Hartford  1866. 

Wallace.  Carpet  Bag  Rule  in  Florida.  Jacksonville  1885. 
Warner,  C.  D.  Studies  in  the  South  and  West.  484  p.  D. 
N.Y.  1899.  Harper  $1.75. 

Washington,  B.  T.  The  Future  of  the  American  Negro.  Ed. 
3,  244  p.  por.  D.  Bost.  1902.  Small  $1.50. 

* Up  from  Slavery.  330  p.  por.  O.  N.Y.  1901. 

Doubleday  $1.50. 

Whitaker,  W.  Church  in  Alabama.  Birmingham  1896.  Rob- 
erts $1. 

White,  H.  A.  Robert  E.  Lee  and  the  Southern  Confederacy 
1807-1870.  467  p.  por.  pi.  maps,  facsim.  D.  N.Y.  1898. 

Putnam  $1.75. 

Williams,  G.  W.  History  of  the  Negro  Race  in  America 
fr.  1619-1S80.  2 v.  ini.  611  p.  por.  O.  N.Y.  1888.  Putnam 

$4. 

Wilmer,  R.  H.  The  Recent  Past  from  a Southern  Standpoint. 
N.  Y.  1900.  Whitaker  $2. 

Wilson,  F.  T.  Federal  Aid  in  Domestic  Disturbances.  Wash- 
ington 1903.  Gov’t. 

Wilson,  Woodrow.  History  of  the  American  People;  Re- 
union and  Nationalization,  v.  5.  O.  N.Y.  1902.  Harper 
5 v.  $17.50  n.  by  subs. 


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Woolley,  E.  C.  The  Reconstruction  of  Georgia.  O.  N.Y. 
1901.  Macmillan  $1  n.  (Columbia  Univ.  Studies,  v.  13,110.3) 

FICTION 

DeLeon,  T.  C.  & Erwin,  Ledyard.  John  Holden,  Unionist;  a 
Romance  of  the  Days  of  Destruction  and  Reconstruction. 
338  pi.  D.  St  Paul  1893. 

Dixon,  Thomas.  The  Clansman.  D.  N.Y.  1904.  Double- 
day $1.25. 

The  Leopard’s  Spots.  D.  N.Y.  1902.  Double- 
day $1.50. 

Harris,  J.  C.  Gabriel  Tolliver.  D.  N.Y.  1902.  McClure 
$1.50. 

Morgan,  A.  T.  Yazoo;  or,  the  Picket  Line  of  Freedom  in  the 
South.  512  p.  O.  Washington  1884. 

Page,  T.  N.  Red  Rock;  a Chronicle  of  Reconstruction.  584  p, 
pi.  D.  N.  Y.  1900.  Scribner  $1.50. 

Tourgee,  A.  W.  Bricks  without  Straw.  Fords  $1.50. 

A Fool’s  Errand  and  Invisible  Empire.  Fords 

$1.50. 

Wise,  J.  S.  The  Lion’s  Skin.  N.Y.  Doubleday.  $1.50. 


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